3. THE FARM HOUSEHOLD SYSTEM

3.1 Farming Systems and Farm Household Systems

“The Farming Systems Development approach emphasizes the understanding of the inter-relationship of Farm Households and Communities with their physical, socio-cultural and institutional /political environment, as a basis for planning and complementing development interventions” (FAO 1989). The theory is based on the recognition of interactions between the different components and creating a hierarchy where every system consists of subsystems which are part of a larger system. The basis for the hierarchial system is the production activities (production systems) which integrated in a household become a Farm Household System (FHHS). Several FHHS with similar characteristics make up a Farming System (FS). (See Figure 1).

Figure 1 - Systems Hierarchy (FAO 1989)

Farming systems zones have been defined in Luapula by the Adaptive Research Planning Team (ARPT) in 1982–83 and a summary is presented in Appendix 2.

The Farm Household System (FHHS) which was the objective of the study, consists of three inter-linked subsystems; the household, the farm and the off-farm component. The FHHS is also affected by external forces; the physical or ecological, the policy/institutional and the socio-cultural environments. These determine constraints and opportunities for the development of the FHHS.

Figure 2 - Interactions of the FHHS

The description of the FHHS has been done in the following order :-

1. production systems; agriculture-livestock-fishing-farming-use of marginal areas.

2. household resources; land, labour, capital, level of knowledge and technology.

3. policy/institutional factors; marketing, support services.

4. socio-cultural factors; traditions, religion.

5. ecological factors; (these are discussed in the description of the Ecology of Luapula Province, Appendix 1).

3.2 Production Systems

There are five production activities in the farm households visited; agriculture, livestock and poultry, fishing, fish farming and use of marginal areas.

3.2.1 Agriculture

The agricultural activities can be divided into three; the chitemene, the farm and the garden. All three have a defined physical location and a clearly differentiated method of cultivation.

Fig. 3 : Physical location of the Agricultural Sub-production Systems

Chitemene

Chitemene is a shifting cultivation system which includes the use of natural woodland forest as the fallow crop. The system was described by Trapnel (1953), cited by J. E. Mansfield et al (1975) : “The men lop the crowns of the trees during the dry season and the women pile the branches to make circular gardens about 1–1.5 metres high and about 0.4 ha extent. An area of woodland about 2–4 ha is required for lopping to make each garden. The stalked branches are burnt just before the beginning of the rains and the seeds are then sown in the ash patch. After lopping, the forest of woodland ideally needs a regeneration period of 20–30 years before it is lopped again.”

The first crop is finger millet intercropped with cassava. Pumpkins and cucumbers are cultivated on the periphery. The cassava is planted in mounds and remains in the field during the second year when it is intercropped with groundnuts. The third year it is intercropped with beans and harvested during the dry season.

After the third year the Chitemene field is usually abandoned and a new field is prepared. J.E. Mansfield et al (1975) pointed out that because of the increase in population the fallow period has been reduced; this has negative long term ecological consequences.

The physical location of the Chitemene is usually outside the “property” and at a variable distance from the house. The crops cultivated in the Chitemene are mainly for home consumption. However, a part of the total production of finger millet is used to produce beer, which is sold.

The Farm

Most of the farmers refer by the term “farm” to a physical area where they mainly grow cash crops. The farm can be defined as follows:

• a dryland agricultural production system practised in a cleared area where cash crops and food crops, mainly the former, are grown.

Unlike the Chitemene system, the “farm” is always inside the property and usually near the house. Depending on availability of land, the “farm” can be permanent (as with big farmers) or semi-permanent, as is the case with traditional farmers. A system of crop rotation is practised, under which the land is at times left fallow to enrich soil nutrients. The same plot of land can be used for 3 to 5 years, depending on soil quality.

The main crops are maize, cassava, groundnuts, beans, bambara-nuts and sweet potatoes. Soya beans, sunflower and coffee are also found in some farms.

Solo cropping is the usual form of cultivation. However, some farmers practise intercropping of cassava and maize. All the crops are cultivated in ridges, but cassava is cultivated in mounds as well. Fertilizers are only used for maize, soya beans and sunflower.

Produce from the “farm” is the main source of income, except in parts of Samfya and Mwense Districts where fishing plays this role. One portion of the farm produce is for home consumption (see Table 2).

The Garden

The name “garden” is given to an irrigated production system where different species of vegetables are produced. The garden is usually located in dambo areas, but can also be found in upland areas, where the water is provided through furrows. In the dambo areas, the soils' residual moisture can be utilized as a source of water for vegetable production, avoiding the construction of irrigation systems. The vegetable garden is sometimes combined with fruit trees, particularly of bananas, but also of guava, mango and papaya. Vegetable production is one source of income for farmers living near populated areas and along the main roads. Vegetables are also used as relish especially in areas where fish is scarce, during the closed fishing season and during the dry season, when other sources of relish (such as cassava, sweet potato and pumpkin leaves) are not available. Crops like potatoes, beans, maize (for fresh consumption), cassava and sweet potatoes can also be found in the garden. Vegetables are usually grown in seed beds but potatoes are cultivated in ridges and cassava and sweet potatoes in ridges or mounds. If the land is irrigated, vegetable production is continuous throughout the year.

Table 2 - Uses of Agricultural Products

3.2.2 Animal Husbandry

Livestock production is not very common in Luapula Province. But chickens are reared in almost every household. Goats and sheep were found in one third of the households visited. Cattle are scarce (+ 8,800 heads excluding commercial farmers) and are found mostly in Mansa and Samfya Districts. In the latter district, they are concentrated around Lubwa (personal information from Provincial Livestock Development Officer).

Oxen can be found in some areas, especially in places close to ox training centres. No special management practices are followed, except for cattle. The animals and the poultry usually eat what they find around the houses, or crop residues in the fields. Normally the animals are kept in pens during the night. Chickens were found affected by Newcastle disease, and some households reported that all the chickens had died. Veterinary control is absent and vaccination has been carried out only in Mansa District.

3.2.3 Fisheries

Around some of the lakes near Luapula River, and along some big dams in Kawambwa District, fishing plays an important role as a source of both cash and food. The percentage of people engaged in fishing is as follows:

(SNV Kashikishi Iceplant Proposal, 1989)

The fishermen near Lake Mweru and Luapula River operate from permanent villages. The fishermen of the Bangweulu System migrate for several months to fishing camps along the lake and in the swamps. According to Imai (1985) the members of the Unga tribe (south of Samfya town) migrate to the camps from April to June and in November and December. The Ng'umbo tribe, who live north of Samfya town, migrate to the camps from May until October. They spend the other months cultivating cassava and other crops.

The camps consist of grass huts. Hygienic conditions are bad. Result: high infant and child mortality. The fish is caught with gill nets, beach seines, longlines, weirs and trap baskets. For home consumption, rod and line, handlines, scoop nets, scoop baskets, spears and poison made from leaves or roots are used. The small Chisense (Eugraulicypris) is caught during the day with trawl-like nets made of fine-meshed mosquito net which is pulled by two people wading in the water. At night strong lamps are used from boats to attract the fish.

In Bangweulu swamps, some groups traditionally observed a closed season for some fishing grounds. The Chiefs and local doctors were responsible for enforcing these traditional fish conservation methods. These practices have, however, disappeared and have now been replaced with the general regulations of the DoF.

Drying and smoking of fish is done at home or in the camps. Traders collect fish from the camps and landing places. The produce is sold or bartered against nets, clothes, mealie meal and other essential commodities. Near Lake Bangweulu, two or three co-operatives under Luapula Co-operative Union (LCU) are involved in buying and transporting fish and in delivering essential commodities and nets to their members.

Women play an important role in the processing of fish. They also catch a big share of the fish consumed in the household, using mainly hook and line and scoop baskets. Some women engage in daytime fishing for Chisense which they dry and sell.

3.2.4 Fish Farming

Fish farming started in Luapula in the 1950's with the construction of the Fiyongoli Fish Farm near Mansa. This farm is owned by the Government. Until a few years ago, the number of fish farmers expanded slowly. Of the 34 people who told the mission about when they dug their first pond, four had started before 1980, 12 between 1980 and 1986 and 18 in 1987 or later. The area with the most impressive growth is Chibote in Kawambwa District. Here fish farming was introduced by a Catholic priest in 1986. Today villages can be found where all households have fish ponds. One third of all the fish pond owners interviewed by this mission were constructing new ponds.

The 1988 survey found that the average fish farmer in Chibote area owned 1.79 ponds; the average fish farmer outside Chibote 3.67 ponds. The mission found that at present the Chibote fish farmer has on an average 2.5 ponds, others, on an average, four ponds.

The ponds around Chibote are smaller than in the rest of Luapula : 129m² versus 360m² per pond according to the 1988 survey.

Thirty-four owners provided data on who had done the actual digging. In 19 cases this was the owner, with the help of other members of the household. In 10 cases the ponds were dug by hired labourers; in three schools the ponds were constructed by pupils. In one small village, all the households had pooled their labour to dig each household's pond. Only a few ponds had been dug by women. In Samfya, however, almost 100 women teamed up to dig a 400m² pond. Most owners report that it took them 2 to 3 weeks to dig a pond.

Harvesting and consumption

Fish can be taken out through intermittent or batch harvesting. The 1988 survey showed that about half of the farmers practised intermittent harvesting. In practically all cases intermittent harvests are consumed by the owner's household. The frequency of intermittent harvesting varies from 2 times/week to once in several months. Fish is usually taken out by a net, but the use of hook and line and baskets is also reported.

Six of the eleven farmers who reported one or more major harvests, had sold most or all of their fish. Three had also kept part of the harvest for home consumption, and three households had consumed most of the fish and given away the rest. One farmer had used the fish to pay for labour.

The data of the 1988 survey showed that 90% of the pond owners continue to buy fish. This indicates that pond production does not satisfy the household demand.

Most ponds are harvested with a net but the use of baskets and complete draining of the pond was also reported. The fish is mostly sold to neighbours. Only two farmers in the 1988 survey reported the sale of fish to wholesalers. Problems with finding buyers for the fish were never mentioned. All fish is sold fresh.

Two farmers reported on the incomes they received from the sale of harvested fish. Within the last 3–4 years, the income per batch harvest was between K360.00 and K700.00 with an average of K492.00. Seven farmers said they had sold fingerlings.

The harvest results from 30 ponds reported by owners in the 1988 survey showed an average productivity of 22kgs/are/year (2.2 tons/ha/year). Three farmers who had one pond each and practised intermittent harvesting reported a significantly higher productivity: 39kgs/are/year. Farmers who had several ponds reported a much lower productivity: an average of between 3 and 4kg/are/year.

Fish farming in the farming system

Fish farming is only one of several activities undertaken by the farmer. To get a picture of the place of fish farming in the total farming system, the following factors were considered: a) location of the pond; b) labour input; and, c) sources of feeds and fertilizers.

1. The location of the pond
   In most cases the ponds are located 2 to 10 minutes on foot from the house. They are constructed near a source of water, a creek, spring or in the dambo. Near Lake Bangweulu, ponds were constructed at the side of the floodplain area of the lake or a river. People who built their ponds in the dambo said that they had not used this area for anything else before. The vegetable garden is also located near a source of water, and most gardens are found within 100 m of the ponds. This proximity explains the common use of vegetable wastes as fish feed.

   The distance between the pond and the (semi) permanent farm plots varies from 50 to several hundred metres. By-products from this part of the farm are less often used as fish feed. The distance between the ponds and the Chitemene fields varies from half an hour to several hours on foot. In Samfya the Chitemene fields were far away from the house and the ponds. Beer waste is the only by-product from this part of the farm which is used as a pond input.

2. Labour inputs
   Pond construction is the most labour-consuming part of fish farming. The ponds are constructed during slack periods in agriculture (April to October). The fishing communities in Samfya, however, migrate to the fishing camps during this period.

   It seems that people who combine fishing with farming have less time during the year to construct ponds. The ponds are constructed with the tools that are normally available at the farm; hoes, baskets and sometimes shovels.

   At the present levels of management, other activities such as checking and feeding do not take much time. These are also often undertaken by the wife and children.

3. Feed and fertilizer
   Besides fingerlings, maize bran is the input which is most often acquired outside the farm. Maize bran which has to be bought repeatedly can, however, be replaced with other feed from the farm. Nine farmers reported that they bought maize bran to feed their fish. Table 3 compares the number of fish pond owners who grow certain crops or have certain kinds of livestock in each district with the reported types of fish feed and fertilizer used in the ponds in these districts.

   The data on the materials used as fish feed and pond fertilizer are not complete. Most fish farmers use several kinds of material to feed their fish, and it is possible that they forgot to mention those which were not available when the visits were made. The fact that most questions were put to men may also have had an effect on the figures in the table. Items used as feed mainly by wives and children, such as household leftovers, may have been mentioned less often than they were actually used.

   The products used as feed and fertilizers also have alternative uses. That they are not reported as pond inputs does not mean that they are wasted.

   Livestock manure is used to fertilize the vegetable garden. People who have only a few chickens may not make the effort to collect the little manure produced. Household leftovers are also fed to chickens, goats and ducks.

   With the exception of maize bran, all fish feed originates from the farm and the garden. But, beer wastes originate mainly from the cattle manure outside the farm, and one farmer who had no vegetable garden fed his fish with wastes from his neighbour's garden.

3.2.5 Uses of marginal areas

Activities specially related to food and energy supply are carried out in marginal areas (forests, dambos, swamps, etc). Collection and hunting are a significant source of foods like, mushrooms, caterpillars, fruits, and fish. Mushrooms and caterpillars are seasonally available and are also a source of income. Firewood and charcoal are two other important products from the marginal areas. Charcoal making is predominantly a women's activity, and it generates income (Ministry of Health, n.d.).

TABLE 3 - Availability of Agricultural By-Products & Their Use In Fish Ponds

3.3 The Household Resources

3.3.1 Land

Land is acquired in three ways :

1. Customary land tenure systems

   • Through residence in the village. The chief delegates usufructuary cultivation rights

   • Through inheritance: each family has a cisonso (part of bush not clearly demarcated) on which it can make fields. This chisonso is passed on from parents to children (male or female) who want to settle in the village. (Source: ARPT 1984).

2. The Government official system: When a farmer wants to have land as private property, he/she applies to the Government through the respective District Council. In some cases the District Council consults the Chief, and it always requests the technical advice of the Agriculture Department.

The quantity of land allocated to each family varies from a few hectares up to 300 ha. The biggest farms are usually in the hands of the people who conduct other activities as well, e.g., mine workers, businessmen, retired civil servants etc.

The quantity of land under cultivation is not strictly related to the total land allocated to the household. Other factors such as available capital, labour, off-farm activities, etc., influence the area under cultivation. Farmers have an area between 3 and 25 hectares under cultivation. The majority cultivate between 4 and 7 hectares. The remaining land is forest, dambo or pasture.

3.3.2 Labour

The basic production unit is the household, and if sources of payment are available, external labour is contracted when necessary. Labour (defined by household composition and tradition) is an important factor differentiating FHHS. It has also been indicated by farmers in some cases as a constraint in the production process. In Chitemene cultivation, agricultural activities are spread throughout the year. The agricultural cycle of the farm shows two labour peaks, during the months December-March and June, July.

Women contribute proportionately more labour to agricultural production than men. An ARPT case study in Mabumba (Mansa District) revealed that the women spent twice as much time on farm work (Allen, 1988).

A survey done by the National Food and Nutrition Commission of Zambia in Mansa and Mwense Districts gave the following results presented in Table 4:

TABLE 4 - Share of Women and Men In Agricultural Activities In Mwense And Mansa Districts (Per cent)

Source : National Food and Nutrition Commission of Zambia 1984

The remaining part of the agricultural work is done by children and hired labourers.

Table 5 shows a standard division of labour for agricultural and domestic work in rural areas of Luapula. It provides insight not only into the kind of work performed by women in male-headed households, but also into additional tasks for women in female-headed households.

During the survey no exact data were collected on the division of labour in the households. The impression given was that all members share the agricultural work and that women alone do the household work. Trading and fishing are done by both women and men. Beer brewing and collection of food from the forests are done predominantly by women.

Women's farm labour input increases as farming systems become more market oriented. This, combined with their domestic workload, may affect the nutritional and health status of children. This has been attributed more to women having less time for food preparation and infant and child care, than to less food being available. (NORAD, 1985:).

TABLE 5 - Division Of Labour In Farm-Related And Other Household Activities In Selected Rural Areas Of Luapula Province

Source : MOH, n.d.; 25, Table 5 in Hurlich 1986: 199

Gozebie (1984) calculated that women in Luapula spend 4 to 5 hours per day processing cassava and preparing meals, 3 to 4 hours collecting firewood or making charcoal and 6 to 7 hours in agricultural work. In young households, the producers/consumers ratio is less favourable than in households with grown up children. Female-headed households are usually smaller and seem to suffer from chronic labour shortages (Woodford-Berger, 1987:18). Their possibilities for expansion are limited.

In the widely used Chitemene cultivation, female-headed households either rely on male relatives to cut the Chitemene or sponsor a work party, e.g., by brewing beer. Originally females living on their own could get help from their male relatives but with the weakening of the kinship system and the penetration of the money economy into rural societies, this has changed. A case study in Mabumba and Mukunta revealed a complete absence of males helping their female relatives living alone (ARPT 1984).

Traditional and small-scale farmers hardly hire labour and if they do, it is only for a specific task and for a short period. Medium and large scale farmers usually use external labour and often have permanent workers.

All individual fish farmers (as compared to the community fish farmers) interviewed by the mission, hired labour ranging from very seldom to 52 permanent workers. Small scale and traditional farmers also sell their labour to other farmers. Additional labour can be obtained in different ways; (i) Ukutumya, whereby labour is exchanged for beer and free food, which was common earlier but seems to be getting rare; (ii) Ukupula (which means begging) is casual labour paid in kind. Nowadays labour for cash has become the most common way. The phenomenon of piece work began in the colonial period when “deserted wives” earned food by working on others' fields (Richard 1929 in Stolen, 1983). This form of labour (Ukupula) is considered shameful and is probably under-reported in most socio-economic surveys (Vedeld and Oygand 1982 in NORAD 1985:17).

According to available literature, piece work is still very common. Sometimes the whole family engages in it, but it is more often done by women (NORAD, 1985:17). A study by NORAD in Northern Province revealed that women are paid less than men. Men characteristically work either for beer in a work party or for cash. Women, however, work nearly always for scarce goods, i.e., soap, cloth, fish, salt or paraffin which are otherwise unavailable. Women in the study said they could not count the days they spend working for other people because they were too many. There also seems to be competition amongst the women for these jobs.

Single women in the same area were reported to have no choice but to go around and beg, an euphemism for working for others just for a meal (NORAD, 1985:18).

3.3.3 Capital

Capital and its uses are important factors differentiating the farm household systems. Farmers who have been saving money from other jobs and/or off-farm activities, are better placed to improve their farming activities. Introduction of new technologies, use of paid labour, use of own transport, etc., are common among these farmers.

While small-scale farmers are using most of the money for food and clothes, the commercial farmers are using the major part for investments and labour, etc., (see Table 6).

TABLE 6 - Capital Flow

Skjonsberg indicates that women have less time and opportunity than men to experiment with new crops and with alternative uses of their labour, because they cater for everyday family needs. And yet, in order to cater adequately for their family, women are as dependent on money as men (Skjonsberg, 1981:48). These findings correspond with the impressions obtained during the mission.

3.3.4 Technology and Knowledge

Small-scale farmers in Luapula use simple farming technology, primarily hoes and axes. Tractors were more common in the immediate post-independence period than today, when the few tractors in the Province are owned by commercial farmers.

Among the farmers who were interviewed, only one owned a tractor (which was temporarily out of use due to lack of spare parts). Two farmers indicated that they sometimes hired a tractor. The charge varied between 120 and 350 Kwacha per hour.

Cattle is not held traditionally in Luapula, and sporadic endemic distribution of the tsetse fly has limited the potential for cattle and animal traction in large parts of the Province. However, there are five ox-training centres in the Province, and the use of animal power is increasing in areas surrounding these. Oxen can be bought either on an individual or on a group basis (farmers' clubs). Some farmers indicated that the supply of oxen was less than the demand. Others said that there were not enough hoes, the most important agricultural tool.

For Luapula there are no available data on ownership of basic technology by women. A survey in Mulungule (Northern Province) showed that a significant proportion of female-headed households did not own basic implements (Shula, 1981:17). The situation is probably the same in Luapula Province.

There is limited access to technology that lessens the women's workload - in cassava processing and maize grinding for example. The latter is regarded as a major constraint to increased consumption of maize as nshima. (IDRP, 1988:8).

The Department of Labour and Social Development organizes literacy programmes connected with maize production and there are also other ways of acquiring additional agricultural knowledge through existing extension systems (see Section 3.4.2). Access to such services, however, varies. Men with education, and men in general, enjoy better access than women. This widens the gap between subsistence-oriented and more market-oriented farmers, and between male and female farmers specifically.

Outside contacts, i.e., work in other areas, trips to other regions, contact with other people, etc., play an important role in the introduction of new technologies. Twelve of the fish farmers interviewed indicated that they got the idea of starting fish ponds from other places, mainly the Copperbelt, or from people outside the village. In Chibote, an outsider introduced the idea and supported its implementation.

3.4 POLICY/INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS

3.4.1 Marketing

Two ways of marketing are used in the Province, (i) Institutional Marketing through Government and/or Parastatal Organizations and (ii) non-institutional marketing in local markets and direct sales to private persons, schools, hospitals, hotels etc.

Institutional Marketing

The Department of Agriculture, the Luapula Co-operative Union (LCU) and Lintco have been promoting the production of cash crops. Special attention has been given to maize production which is the staple food in several other provinces and urban areas. However, this is not the case in the rural areas of Luapula, where cassava is the main staple food.

The Luapula Co-operative Union (LCU) buys maize and other products such as rice, groundnuts, beans and fish. However, no assistance has been given for growing the latter. The total production of such crops has, however, increased -- with the exception of rice which touched the maximum production during 1975–78. Table 7 gives production figures for groundnuts and beans.

TABLE 7 - Production of Marketed Groundnuts and Beans In Luapula and Percentage Marketed

Source : Statistical Yearbook for Luapula Province

Soyabeans, sunflower, cotton and coffee are other crops promoted by Lintco and the Department of Agriculture.

Non-institutional marketing

Many farmers sell their products directly to local markets, hotels, schools, hospitals or traders. Most of the vegetables, fruit, traditional crops, fish and part of the maize, soyabeans and other cash crops are sold through this system.

Access to markets is an important incentive for increased production. The access varies considerably between the different areas in the Province. The farmers around Mansa have adequate access to inputs, transport and marketing. In other areas such as Chibote, agricultural production is hampered by poor marketing facilities. Farmers in this area face problems in getting inputs and in selling their products. Both farmers and authorities indicate that lack of transport and good roads are the biggest constraints. The Department of Marketing and Co-operatives together with LCU, Lintco and the Agricultural Department are creating a network of marketing infrastructures, slabs, shelters, depots, markets, stores, etc., in order to improve the marketing process. But to date this is not enough. Agencies such as FINNIDA, IRDP and IFAD are also collaborating in the construction of infrastructure.

3.4.2 Support services

The Department of Agriculture has an extension network with extension agents in every Ward covering the whole province. The method is the training and visit systems (T & V). The intent of this programme is to provide regular contact between extension workers and farmers. The extension system suffers from insufficient transport. One important aspect of T & V is the use of “contact farmers” to pass on the extension message. According to the Provincial Extension Officer, the system of contact farmers has not been effective because of social and cultural factors (M. Mulenga, personal communication). Though in principle 50% of the contact farmers should be female, in practice this has been very difficult to implement. In 1985, for instance, a small survey in five provinces showed that only 6 out of 36 chosen contact farmers were female (NORAD, 1985:25).

The Department also has Farm Training Centres and ox-training centres in every district and a Farm Institute in Mansa. The Training Centres and the Institutes serve as demonstration centres for improved agricultural technology. The Training Centres provide short courses ranging from 1 to 30 days for extension workers and farmers on how to grow certain crops, animal husbandry, how to use agricultural inputs, organize clubs and manage farms. Hurlich, 1986:105 found that the training is biased towards farmers who are well established, and that the methods are not suited for illiterate farmers, and tend to exclude women.

Attempts have been made by the institutes to overcome these biases, for instance through mobile courses which bring instruction to the places where people live and work. This is important for women who cannot leave agricultural, domestic and child care responsibilities to attend even short term courses. For instance, in Samfya District, no women attended courses at the Samfya Farmers Training Centre in 1983 (Hurlich, 1986:106).

Limited women participation, however, also has other reasons. In Luapula it's only men who operate in the public domain. At public meetings and extension visits, men take on a leading role while most women are silent. Women also find themselves too busy to participate. During the mission women were asked if they had problems with growing their crops. No constraints were mentioned. The reason for this can be that the constraints are so deeply embedded in their daily life and tradition that they are not clearly recognized as limiting factors.

There are few female extension workers. In 1982–83, 7.1% of all agricultural staff in Zambia were women (Norby, G., 1983:12 in NORAD 1985:23).

In the past, government extension support focused on maize production. During the last few years, the Department has gradually been changing its policy to include traditional crops in the extension and training programmes.

A number of organizations are actively participating in the extension programmes. IFAD is concerned with improvement of the extension service, the construction of staff houses and road maintenance. FINNIDA is supporting agricultural extension and training, animal traction, the Co-operative Union and the Provincial Planning Unit. IRDP is participating in rural development through the District Councils but also has programmes at the provincial level.

Seed production, cassava improvement, road improvement, support to fisheries, social development, education and health are examples of IRDP funded projects.

The Luapula Regional Research Station and the ARPT are working in agricultural research and both have an extension component. ARPT also had on-farm trials in three areas, Mukunta (Nchelenge District), Mabumba (Mansa District) and Mabo (Samfya District).

The Catholic Church supports projects related to agriculture production such as animal traction, blacksmiths, hammermills, farmer's and women's clubs, agricultural youth programmes and credit and input supply.

There are also institutions involved in credit schemes for farmers: Lima Bank, Lintco, Zambia National Commercial Bank, IFAD, CCS, FINNIDA and Barclays.

Department of Fisheries

The Department of Fisheries has two farms: Fiyongoli Fish Farm near Mansa town and Mwenda Fish Farm near Mwenda in Mwense District. Both farms are in need of rehabilitation to improve their capacity to support fish farmers with the supply of quality fingerlings. Not only the maintenance, but also the management of the farm has suffered from the lack of funds and staff. The supply of fingerlings from Mwenda and Fiyongoli to fish farmers has been far below demand due to the absence of a vehicle. Fingerling distribution can take place only when transport is made available by others.

The Samfya branch of DoF is equipped with a car, but gives priority to capture fisheries. However, fish farming has been promoted in this area by the Department in its mobile training courses. Courses were held in more than 20 villages around Lake Bangweulu in 1988. Fish ponds were proposed to secure the availability of fish in the fishing communities during the closed fishing season (1st December to 28th February). Fish farming could also add to the availability of fish in areas where the natural stocks of fish have declined. As a result of these courses, fishermen and farmers have constructed ponds, and expect the DoF to supply fingerlings.

A proposal has been submitted to IRDP - Luapula by the Department to support the rehabilitation of the DoF fish farms, the distribution of fingerlings, extension training and trials with fish farming practices.

At present the assisting Fish Culturist plus four Fish Scouts are responsible for implementing the fish farming programme in Luapula. Three scouts are stationed at Fiyongoli Fish Farm and one is stationed at Mwenda Fish Farm. The scouts have followed a 12 month course at Kasaka Fisheries School near Kafue. Most topics in this course deal with capture fisheries.

Some of the Scouts had additional fish farming training of six months at Mwekera (Kitwe). Seven general workers are employed at the Fiyongoli Fish Farm and three at the Mwenda Fish Farm. Three of them had two months of training in pond operations at Mwekera. In Samfya, two scouts have received fish farming courses at Mwekera.

3.5 Socio-cultural factors

In a study on the Jehovah's Witnesses of Serenje District, Long (1964), says that the Jehovah's Witnesses differ from the rest of the population in certain social characteristics. They frequently utilize links with fellow churchmen to gain access to expertise, farming equipment and labour. They hold a worldly oriented ethic which focuses on individual achievement and self-discipline. This indicates that there is a connection between being a Jehovah's Witness and having a positive attitude towards innovations (J. van der Mheen, 1989). During the interviews a similar attitude amongst members of the Seventh Day Adventist Church was noticed.

In Luapula, the two ideological systems differ on the question of distribution of products. The traditional kinship system is based on distribution of resources, and mutual obligations to exchange goods and services. Equity is a practical policy, achieved through levelling mechanisms. But the fundamentalist protestant ideology favours individualistic strategies for controlling and accumulating wealth and resources.

Kinship obligations may hinder the development of individual households. If a household is economically successful in agriculture, the extended family expects generosity. Accusations of witchcraft are frequently levelled against people who try to break with the expected norms. A prosperous household often experiences various “disasters” that bring it down to the same level as its neighbours. According to Gould (55, n.d.), the unleashing of evil upon an enemy through witchcraft is invariably an incident involving clansmen only. Rather than risking being bewitched, the economically successful may take great pains to share a part of their surplus with the extended family, neighbours and friends. Or the “haves” may choose not to show that they have more money or more things than their neighbours. A third strategy pursued by entrepreneurs is to renounce the security offered by the village by moving away from communal living and settling on a solitary farm (Skjønberg, 1981:45).

The individual farmers visited during the mission did not make the switch from communal living to a solitary farm at one go, but first spent time outside the Province, mostly in the Copperbelt. Not only did this migration weaken kinship ties, but it also gave the farmers an opportunity to save money and invest in a new farm.