Indigenous Knowlegde of the Abundance of Medicinal and Food Plants in Mount Moroto Forest Reserve

0189-A1

Robinah K. Nanyunja^[1]

ABSTRACT

The study was carried out in the communities living in Mount Moroto forest reserve, Karamoja region in the northeastern part of Uganda.

I used participatory rural appraisal (PRA) methods to identify and collect information on the trends of medicinal and food plants from 1950 to 2001. Therefore, the study involved people of differing ages; the elders, the middle-aged and the young. The elders were especially involved in the study and played a big role in providing the historical information needed. Data entry and analysis were carried out in Microsoft Excel, which was by descriptive analysis backed by graphic illustrations.

The study found that both medicinal and food plants have been significantly decreasing from 1950 to 2001, and the people attributed this to over-harvesting. These resources are very important trees to the communities in Moroto forest reserve. They depend on the natural medicinal trees for treatment of most diseases, while the food plants contribute a significant role in their food security.

The recommendations put forward were:

• The government should enhance some components of Karamojong culture which are compatible with conservation, e.g. the “no cutting of medicinal and food plants without village consultations”.

• The government should devise peaceful ways of evicting the Karamojong from the forest reserve.

A further study on economic valuation and a monitoring programme of these resources are encouraged.

1. INTRODUCTION

Karamoja is a region comprising of three districts-Moroto where Mt. Moroto is found, Kotido and Nakapiripirit Districts in northeastern Uganda. It comprises of ten different tribes speaking different languages-some completely incompatible-with differing rich cultures and traditions, some at the same level of civilization like any other part of Uganda and others have never gone to school, but in all the people of Karamoja share a semi nomadic lifestyle keeping livestock with subsistence farming. It is the home of the Karamojong, a people proud of their traditions, religion, and Nilotic heritage. Life for the Karamojong has, for the most part, remained unchanged for thousands of years. Western technology, medicine, dress, culture, and Christianity, found in varying degrees throughout Uganda, have made virtually no inroads among the Karamojong. Geographically, ethnically, and politically, Karamoja is, for all practical purposes, a country within a country. For better or for worse, the land and its people remain a vestige of precolonial Africa (NEMA, 1997).

Karamojong Cluster is part of a large group of African peoples called the Nilo-Hamites, or the Plains Nilotes. They consist of the Dodoz, (Meaning and referring to the first milk of a cow which has just delivered.), Jie, (Meaning the fighters). The Karamojong are a friendly, proud, and at times, fierce people, who have built a complex culture revolving entirely around the herding of cattle. While other herdsmen cultures of the world base their collective economies and individual wealth on the possession of cattle, the Karamojong see their cattle as something far greater. Cattle are of great symbolic importance, the Karamojong believe that God has given all cattle to them. The implication of that is that God has not given any cattle to their neighbouring tribes. Unfortunately, the Pokot in Kenya, living right on the Karamoja border of Uganda, have the same conviction about their divine right to cattle. As a result, both tribes are continually trying to re-collect “their” cattle. Violence occasionally results as both groups are armed. The raiding of cattle from neighbouring groups has been a part of Karamojong culture for centuries (NEMA, 1997).

Karamojong society is well ordered and complex. Unlike many tribal peoples, the Karamojong have developed a kind of democracy. The "elder" generation leads the group by virtue of the group's respect for their wisdom, and the younger "warrior" generation enforces the elders' decisions by virtue of the group's respect for the warriors' strength and skill.

Mountain Moroto is an ancient volcanic mass arising from plains of Southern Karamoja between 2° 24’ and 2° 42’ N, and 34⁰ 39’ and 34⁰ 56’ E, and covers an area of 483 km². It has an altitudinal range of 960-308m. It is perched on the top of the escarpment of the eastern rift directly behind and to the east of the town of Moroto and its eastern boundaries are those of the Ugandan border with Kenya. The climatic conditions in Mt. Moroto forest reserve are harsh by any standard: the low annual rainfall of 887mm is exacerbated by the fact that when rain does fall it comes only at one time of the year. The reserve may be broadly classified as dry Combretum butyrospermum and dry acacia savannas, with Juniperus podocarpus dry montane forest. The reserve supports many species of considerable conservation importance both nationally and globally (Davenport et al, 1996).

Deforestation is the main environmental issue confronting Uganda’s forests, savannas, woodlands and bushlands. The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimated that in 1890 approximately 45% of Uganda was covered by forests and woodlands representing about 108,000km² (NEMA, 1997). This estate has now declined to only 20% of the total land area. Tropical high forest declined from 12.7% of total land area in 1900 to about 3% by 2000. The major factors contributing to deforestation are: encroachment, land conversion to agriculture, unsustainable harvesting, urbanization, industrialization, and institutional failures (NEMA, 2000/2001).

Land clearance and harvest for charcoal and timber, more so than harvest for medicinal and food use, are having a detrimental effect on wild medicinal and food resources (Marshall, 1997). A value and threat analysis conducted by Global Environmental Facility Cross-borders biodiversity project in Moroto forest reserve showed uncontrolled tree cutting for: Expansion of cultivation land, Charcoal burning, Building materials, fencing materials, firewood for sale, wood carving, brick making, making beehives, fodder, settlement, creating security from enemies and harvesting wild foods and medicines (Nimpamya, Nabanyumya and Mupada, 1999).

2. MATERIALS AND METHODS

2.1 STUDY AREAS

The study was a survey carried in the communities living in Mountain Moroto forest reserve, Moroto district in the Northeastern part of Uganda. Uganda is one of the three countries of East Africa, the others being Kenya and Tanzania.

2.2 SAMPLING PROCEDURE

2.2.1 DATA COLLECTION

2.2.1.1 Participatory Rural Appraisals (PRAs)

This is any interaction a researcher has with members of a local community (Nabasa et al., 1995). The PRAs used rapid surveys of local knowledge as tools for investigating human perceptions to biodiversity loss. Specifically group PRAs techniques were used as information gathering tools for assessing trends in biodiversity loss (changes in abundance and use of the indicator species since 1950 to 2001). A group of twenty people in each parish was considered. The PRAs consisted of local histories/time lines, resources rankings and abundance scores, which were combined, in form of pre-pared data sheets, which I used to collect the required data. The sample data sheets are shown in the appendix.

(a) Local histories/Time lines

This technique taps people’s memories, to recall important historical events, which have taken place in the area. This method was used to collect information on the trends of the medicinal and food plant species use, changes and the causes of the trends since 1950 to 2001. Elders were greatly involved and played a big role in providing this historical information, since old people posses most of the indigenous knowledge and therefore provide the best of it (Basemera, 2002), and in Moroto elders are respected for their wisdom.

(b) Resource Rankings

During data collection, the participants in their local language listed as many medicinal and food plants as they could. From this list, they were asked to choose 10 key resources in each category, which were regarded as indicator species. The abundance scores of these indicator species were then established.

(c) Abundance scores

These scores were used to tell the availability of the indicator species at a particular period. The participants were asked to score the availability of the species since 1950 to 2001. The scores ranged from 0-2. Where 0= none or nearly none; 1= a few or some; 2= many. These scores reflected the trends of the selected key species.

2.1.1.2 Plant samples

After the PRAs, with the help of the local guide I collected the indicator species, pressed and took them to the herbarium for identification.

2.2.2 DATA ANALYSIS

The data collected in form of scores (appendix) were entered and analysed in Microsoft Excel, which was by descriptive analysis backed up by graphic illustrations. These illustrations showed the trends of the medicinal and food plants since 1950 to 2001 (Figures 1 and 2).

3. RESULTS

Trends in abundance of medicinal plants

Figure 1a shows Saba comorensis, Olea europea and Aloe spp as decreasing with time, but the latter show the same trend. Warburgia ugandensis and Ficus natalensis are constant, and show the same trend. According to Figure 1b Acacia nilotica, Ximenia americana, Rhus vulgaris meikle and Albizia coriaria show the same trend of constant abundances since 1950 to 2001. The figure also shows that Pittasporium brachcalya is decreasing with time. Besides trends in abundances, the uses of the medicinal plants were established (Table 1).

Figure 1a

Figure 1b

Table 1: Importance of medicinal plants

Trends in abundance of food plants

According to Figure 2a Ficus sycomorus and Balanites aegyptiaca show the same trend of decreasing abundances. Although, Ziziphus mauritiana and Capparias sepiaria also show the same trend of decreasing abundances, their rate is lower than the former. Ficus vasta has been constant since 1950 to 2001. Figure 2b shows that Carisa edulis, Vangueria apiculata, and Grewia vilosa are decreasing at the same rate. Dioscoria bulbbijera is decreasing while Ximenia americana is constant. The importance of food plants including preparation and parts eaten is shown in Table 2.

Figure 2a

Figure 2b

Table 2: Importance of food plants

Although there are some variations in resource trends, the general trend for both food and medicinal plants in Mt. Moroto forest reserve is declining since 1950 to 2001.

4. DISCUSSION

Medicinal plants

Although this study showed Acacia nilotica, Ximenia Americana, Rhus vulgaris meikle, Albizia coriaria, Warburgia ugandensis and Ficus natalensis as being constant since 1950 to 2001, a survey carried out by Traffic/Southern Africa project found Rhus vulgaris and Warburgia ugandensis as medicinal plant species of conservation concern in Uganda, because they are scarce (Amani, 1997; Katende et al., 1995). The idea here might be that such resources are abundant in Moroto forest reserve but scarce elsewhere in Uganda. A similar project in Kenya found that Warburgia ugandensis was reported as a medicinal plant species of conservation concern, which is widely harvested and difficult to get. It was also reported as vulnerable and being imported from Uganda (MAPRI, 1997).

The decreasing medicinal plant species of Pittasporium brachcalya, Saba comorensis, Olea europea and Aloe spp, were reported as greatly harvested because of the multiple uses they have (Table 1). It has been estimated by WHO that 80% of the world’s population relies on traditional medicine to meet their daily health requirement (Akerele, 1993). In Africa, reliance on such medicine is partly owing to the high cost of conventional medicine and the inaccessibility of modern health care facilities as the case in Mt. Moroto forest reserve. In addition, traditional medicine is often deemed a more appropriate method of treatment (Marshall, 1997).

Food plants

Food plants, such as, Carisa edulis, Vangueria apiculata, Grewia vilosa, Dioscoria bulbbijera, Ficus sycomorus, Balanites aegyptiaca, Ziziphus mauritiana and Capparias sepiaria are decreasing with time, while Ficus vasta has been constant and naturally few. It is believed that the ecology of the forest has not favoured its multiplication. A survey carried out by Traffic/Southern Africa project, found that Balanites aegyptiaca, although wide spread, it is traded in large volumes, and there is a high demand for timber for it. It was reported as a conservation concern in Sudan (MAPRI, 1997). The uses attached to these plants (Table 2), show the likelihood of facing considerable pressure.

Foods from wild can make supplemental, seasonal and emergency contributions to household food supplies. Wild plants can also provide a crucially important source of food and fodder during hunger seasons, and they may often be more important during periods when people have less time for food preparation, such as during peak agricultural seasons (Katende, Ssegawa and Birnie, 1999). For the people living in Moroto forest reserve, wild food plants play a very big role in their food security.

A biodiversity inventory carried out in 1996, found out that compared with other Ugandan forests, Moroto is not particularly biodiverse. However, in terms of the conservation value of the species (based on the knowledge of their world-wide distributions and occurrence in Ugandan forests), the reserve is clearly a very significant site (Davenport et al, 1996).

The change in culture was believed to have constituted to the declining medicinal and food plants. During village discussions, people reported that no food and medicinal plants in Moroto were culturally supposed to be cut without consent from other beneficiaries in the area, because of the value attached to them. Specifically, the trees associated with rain formation such as Ficus sycomorus (Table 2) were highly valued and conserved. On the sad note, this culture is fading, and on many occasions, people cut these trees without making village consultations (Nanyunja, 2001). Much as the Karamojong, culture has been strong and intact for centuries, and they were able to build a fairly stable and equitable society. This century brought the entrance of external forces that could not understand the world of the Karamojong. They would try to squeeze the Karamojong into the foreign and ill-fitting mold of their own cultures, and in the process, they would disrupt the very fabric of Karamojong society (NEMA, 2003). This is likely to have partially influenced change in culture. Another factor likely to have changed culture is the gradual change in livelihood from nomadic lifestyle to subsistence farming, which involves clearing vegetation.

The colonial institutional forestry arrangements in Uganda allowed free access in nature reserves with limited restrictions. The Uganda’s first forestry policy was written in 1929. This allowed access to forest reserves and the government, issued land titles to users, other people settled there bearing in mind that they were free to settle anywhere provided such land is unoccupied by someone else. As a result, people settled in these reserves while others enjoyed the liberal economic use of forest resources (NEMA, 200/2001). Nationwide, around 100,000ha of forest reserves had been encroached upon in total by the end of 1990. Measures to address encroachment included the formulation of a new forest policy in 1988, which placed more emphasis on forest conservation, research, agro forestry, and extension services. This policy is again being revised and a draft new policy is now in place (MWLE, 2000). In 1991, the government evicted all encroachers from gazetted forests and cancelled all land titles, which had been issued for lands within the forest reserves (NEMA, 2000/2001). However, this has not been possible for Mt. Moroto forest reserve. Karamojong are warriors, fierce, have very ordered and complex culture and are well equipped with weapons. Once attacked, they always fight together to propel their enemies. Government efforts have found difficulty in evicting them because of the likelihood of a resource war. Moreover, the increasing population and uncontrolled tree cutting within the reserve, puts it at a risk of clearance.

There is increasing concern about the deteriorating state of forestry in the country. Natural forest cover is receding; ecological services are declining; there is increasing pressure on forestland and products; management capacity is limited and institutional weaknesses constrain sustainable development (NEMA, 2000/2001).

The recommendations put forward were:

Since Karamojong culture has some positive attitudes to conservation, these should be enhanced by providing incentives like tree planting in the forest reserve, based on the tree species, which are commonly used.

The government should devise peaceful ways of evicting the Karamojong from the forest reserve. This should be accompanied by incentives, like designation of land for their resettlement, and providing them with the services obtained from the forest reserve. This can be done by establishing a plantation forest containing local species in collaboration with the communities. Another alternative could be that after evicting them out of the forest reserve, they should be allowed controlled access such as, harvesting of food and medicinal plants and other traditional uses.

An economic valuation of the identified key and other species should be carried out in order to quantify their true value. Such a study can act, as a pre-requisite to establish a monitoring programme for the forest reserve.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I wish to thank the people living in Moroto forest reserve for being so open in providing this valuable information, without their information, this study would have been impossible. I also extend my gratitude to the District Environment and Forest Officers of Moroto district that carried out the translation during data collection from English to Akarimojong for the local people to understand and vice-versa. Without their assistance, I would have experienced a language barrier. Finally, yet importantly I thank UNDP/GEF Cross border biodiversity Project, Makerere University Institute of Environment and Natural resources, and the Makerere University Herbarium for funding, executing the project, and carrying out plant identifications respectively.

APPENDIX

A) Data collection sheet for medicinal plants

B) Data collection sheet for food plants

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