Chapter 3. Traditional benzoin production within its village context

3.1 Benzoin production

3.1.1 Location and scale of production

Production of Lao benzoin takes place in the mountainous northern provinces of Lao PDR. Traditionally, Luang Prabang, Phong Saly, Houaphan and Oudomxay provinces have been the main production centres, but in recent years the production in Oudomxay has declined due to alternative sources of cash income available to the farmers. Very small amounts of benzoin may be produced in the northern parts of Xieng Khuang province bordering Houaphan.

There are no national data on benzoin production. Incomplete provincial data are available, but it is not possible to establish their reliability. Part of the problem is because some data come from Department of Commerce sources and others from Forestry Division sources. In the case of the Department of Commerce, benzoin shipments which pass through Luang Prabang City, for example, are registered with the trade office and reported for Luang Prabang province. Benzoin produced within the province and exported directly to China through northern routes therefore goes unrecorded, whereas benzoin which passes through Luang Prabang City but originates from another province will be recorded. Unofficial trade across the Thai border, and perhaps some into Viet Nam, represent production which is unrecorded in any location. To make the task of acquiring national data even more difficult, there is no mechanism in Vientiane for consolidating data acquired provincially.

Given the above limitations, Table 3.1 shows official, albeit incomplete, production of benzoin for Luang Prabang and Houaphan provinces for the period 1986-96.

Table 3.1 Benzoin production in Lao PDR, by province, 1986-1996 (tonnes)

Sources: Department of Commerce, Luang Prabang; Forestry Division, Houaphan

The absence or near absence of data for Luang Prabang for the period 1990-1993 is inexplicable, and no information is available for Phong Saly. Therefore it is impossible to make any meaningful estimate of total national production using official figures or to identify trends.

Based upon anecdotal information from benzoin traders and others, it seems clear that Luang Prabang, Phong Saly and Houaphan provinces are the three principal sources. The best estimate that can be made for their shares of total production are as follows:

3.1.2 Production and shifting cultivation

Benzoin production is integrated into the traditional practice of shifting cultivation. There is no cultivation of styrax as a long-term tree crop. Typically in Lao PDR, land where S. tonkinensis occurs naturally is cleared and upland rice is planted in the first year of the cycle. Local people use the name yan to refer to Styrax spp. and recognize two types: black yan and white yan. Commercial benzoin is produced only from black yan. It is unclear if white yan represents a different species of the genus Styrax.

After the rice crop is harvested, the styrax seedlings produced as a result of natural regeneration are allowed to grow during the fallow period. When the trees are large enough to yield benzoin, they are tapped for several years before the cycle starts again and the land is cleared.

Traditionally, the shifting cultivation cycle is around 10-12 years or longer and tapping begins at about the 7^th or 8^th year (or earlier), allowing up to four years or more of production. In recent years, however, pressure on land caused by population increase, and the concentration of people around urban centers and in areas close to road or river access, coupled with government restrictions on forest clearing, has resulted in a shorter cycle. In those cases where the cycle is reduced to 7-8 years, tapping may only take place during the final 1-2 years. In some areas, the fallow period is reduced to only 4-5 years when the styrax trees are too young and small to tap. This reduction in cycle length means that not only are fewer trees likely to be tapped, but yields of benzoin from those are getting less. Therefore, the supply base for benzoin is becoming less secure, adding to the problems of a population which is inexorably looking towards other, less arduous forms of cash income than collecting benzoin.

In two districts of Luang Prabang province, a form of enrichment planting of styrax is practised. Under this system, during the first year of shifting cultivation styrax seeds are sown directly with three or four seeds per hole. Seeds are collected from 7-8-year-old trees which are reserved as seed sources and not tapped. After the styrax seeds are sown, the field is then burned. It is said that the heat produced by burning promotes seed germination. After the burning, farmers plant upland rice. Upland rice is planted in the first year only; from the second year onwards styrax trees only are grown. Weeding and cutting of climbers is done periodically to promote styrax tree growth. Benzoin tapping begins when the trees reach 7 years of age, and a DBH of 12-14 cm. All large trees are tapped. It is said that trees which have a larger crown can produce more benzoin.

Cuts are made in the bark of benzoin trees during October-December, around the end of the rainy season. Benzoin is harvested during March-April (sometimes up to May) in the following year. Yields are reported to be around 0.4-0.6 kg per tree or 160-240 kg per ha, assuming 400 trees per ha. Benzoin is classified into three grades on the basis of the size of the pieces.

Under this production system, farmers tap the trees and then cut them down as part of the land clearing for the next shifting cultivation cycle. Styrax wood is used as fuel.

A variation of the system described above consists of broadcasting large quantities of styrax seed (5 kg per ha) in the cleared field by hand. A month later the field is burned and upland rice planted. The styrax and rice seeds germinate at almost the same time, i.e. within 7-10 days. The density of styrax trees is 500-600 per ha. No thinning operations are carried out. When the trees are 7 years old, the farmers decide which trees should be tapped, depending upon their size. An estimated 50 styrax trees per hectare per year are tapped.

3.1.3 Village case studies

A survey was conducted in two benzoin tapping villages in Nam Bak district of Luang Prabang province. One of the villages, Ban Kachet, is easily accessible; the other, Ban Sang La Dtai, is quite remote. Socio-economic as well as bio-physical data were collected, with special attention paid to benzoin and other non-wood forest products. Both formal and informal data collection techniques were used. Results of these two surveys are described below in sections 3.2 and 3.3.

3.2 Ban Kachet village

3.2.1 Biophysical conditions

3.2.1.1 Geographical location

Ban Kachet is located in a mountainous area in the north-western part of Luang Prabang province, about 130 km north of the provincial capital, Luang Prabang, and 27 km southwest of the district capital Nam Bak. Ban Kachet village is situated at an elevation of about 750 m; the elevation of the village lands range from 400-900 m. There are no official figures available, but the total village area is estimated at approximately 1,000-1,200 ha.

3.2.1.2 Topography

The village land is mountainous, with moderate to steep slopes. Ban Kachet’s housing area is situated on a hill saddle and is one of the few wider, relatively level spots. The parent material of the hills is mainly weathered clay stone and silt stone. The effective soil depth depends on the geographic site.

The village area is part of the Nam Ou (Ou River) watershed; the Nam Ou is the largest tributary of the Mekong River. Several streams run through the Ban Kachet area, most of them intermittent. The Nam Mong (Mong River) is the only perennial stream relatively close to the village. The other streams draining the village area serve as its tributaries. The Nam Mong flows westwards into the Nam Khan (Khan River) that enters the Nam Bak at Nam Bak town. Due to the topographic conditions paddy cultivation is impossible.

3.2.1.3 Climate

The only available climatic data come from the Luang Prabang Meteo-rological Station which is at an elevation of 305 m. The climate in Ban Kachet is similar except that air temperatures are lower due to the higher elevations. Assuming a decrease in air temperature of 0.6°C per 100 m increase in elevation, the average annual temperature in Ban Kachet can be expected to be 0.5-3.0°C lower than in Luang Prabang.

The climate can be described as wet/dry monsoon tropical climate. The mean annual rainfall is 1,400 mm. The annual weather pattern is characterized by two main seasons. The rainy season starts from late April to early May and ends in late October and accounts for 90% of the annual precipitation. The total annual rainfall can vary from a little more than 1,000 mm to almost 2,000 mm. The onset of the monsoon rains varies considerably, creating high risks to those crops established early.

The mean annual temperature is 25.3°C. December is the coolest month (mean 20.4°C) and the warmest months are May and June (28.7°C). During the cool season the minimum temperatures can drop below 15°C. During the hot and dry season just before the rainy season in April-May, the maximum temperatures can reach 40°C. The mean annual relative humidity is 76%. The average rain-fed cropping season at the elevations of Ban Kachet area is about 8 months.

3.2.1.4 Soils

Soil analysis was carried out at a plot which was cultivated with upland rice the previous year. Although the survey area was rather small, the results give at least some indications of the general soil conditions in the area.

In response to the soil parent material and varying slope conditions, the soil properties can be expected to show considerable variation. The prevalent soil texture is clay-loam with a higher portion of loam in the upper soil layers. Organic matter (carbon and humus) is at a medium to high level and thus a sufficient amount is available (> 2.0%).

The soil is acidic; most samples showed a pH (in H₂O) below 4.5. Base saturation is very low. As is typical of soils in this region, available phosphorus is low. With the exception of potassium the other cations (calcium, magnesium and sodium) are at a low level.

Figure 3.1 Map of Ban Kachet

Figure 3.2 Ban Kachet - Land Use

3.2.1.5 Vegetation and land allocation

The status of the vegetation is mainly influenced by the practice of shifting cultivation, i.e. rotational slash and burn cropping. After a 1-year cultivation period, pioneer species develop. With the increasing length of the fallow period the vegetation develops towards a forest cover. As a result, most of the forests in the village area are secondary forests in different stages of succession, but generally no older than 15-20 years.

More mature forests can be found in the areas which are described as Conservation Forests in the village land use map. These areas are mainly preserved for religious reasons.

Land allocation was carried out in 1996. Each family received a limited number of plots which will lead to a shorter fallow period. Styrax trees need a fallow period of at least seven years to start producing benzoin. This is, however, not assured on the allocated plots. On the remaining area it is envisioned that older forests will develop. But the older the forests get, the less competitive is the pioneer species S. tonkinensis. In forests approaching 15 years of age, styrax trees will begin to disappear. Moreover, old styrax trees (>13 years) barely produce benzoin.

3.2.2 Socio-economic conditions

3.2.2.1 Village history

About four generations ago the first 11 families arrived in the area of Ban Kachet and settled there. All of them came from Houai Fa village, about 3 km away from Ban Kachet. Since then the population has continued to increase. With the exception of one family which moved to Ban Kachet in 1995, the increase in the number of residents is due to the natural population growth within the village.

3.2.2.2 Demography

In May 1997 the population of Ban Kachet consisted of 381 people living in 62 households (64 families). The average number of people per household is about six. The percentage of males is 54% (206 persons), slightly higher than females 46% (175 persons). With the exception of two Lao Loum women who married village residents, all village inhabitants belong to the Khamu ethnic group (Lao Theung).

Table 3.2 shows the population divided into five age groups, their absolute numbers and percentages.

Table 3.2 Age distribution in Ban Kachet, Nam Bak district

Due to the high number of children, the percentage of active labour force (16-60 years) is low, 48% (182 persons). This can be considered a limiting factor for the land area which can be cultivated by a family. However, older children and elders still contribute labour to the family. More than 40% of the population are 15 years old or younger, which indicates a high population growth. This will have consequences for future natural resource management and it can be expected that land will become scarce in the village area. Only 7% of the population are more than 50 years of age. The reason for this is not known. It could be higher birth rates, lower child mortality or high adult death rates.

Ban Kachet has four female-headed households. One of the main con-straints for them is a lack of labour available for the cultivation of their land. There are six drug addicts in Ban Kachet, all middle aged (five men, one woman). The men became addicts while they were soldiers during the war. The addiction of a family member is a serious burden to the family economy.

3.2.2.3 Village organization and education

As is usual in Lao PDR, the village is run by a chief elected directly by the villagers. The village is subdivided into three sub-groups, each headed by a group leader. Beside these representatives, the village has a council of elders with three members. The two groups should not be regarded as competing structures to rule a village; cooperation between them is the rule. Representatives of national organizations like the Lao Women’s Union or the Youth Union are also present in Ban Kachet.

Ban Kachet has had a school since 1970. It was established through the initiative of the villagers themselves who built it and initiated teaching activities. The present teacher attended primary school for three years and lives in the village. Besides a basic government salary the teacher receives additional support from the village. The first two grades are taught in the village. For grades three and four, the pupils have to go to Song Cha village which is 12 km away. The school of Song Cha village has a dormitory which the parents have to pay for their children’s lodging. For grade five and higher the children have to go to the district capital, Nam Bak, which is 27 km away.

A total of 36 children from Ban Kachet attend school: 26 pupils attend the first grade and nine the second grade. Just one pupil attends the fifth grade in Nam Bak town. In total, 13 girls go to school. Assuming that children from the age 6 to 15 should theoretically attend school within the district area (in Ban Kachet 98), just 37% do. The main reasons are 1) long distance to schools above second grade; 2) costs of sending children to school; 3) the labour of older children is needed within the family.

3.2.2.4 Health and nutrition

The most common health problems are diarrhoea, malaria and coughs. From June to August, the expenses for medicine are significantly higher than during the rest of the year. This is the rainy season when malaria is prevalent. The nearest health station is 9 km away in Song Cha village; the closest hospital is in Nam Bak town.

A total of 10 households have sufficient rice to eat over the entire year. For six households a rice shortage starts already in late January or early February. As the time since the previous rice harvest lengthens, more households have to buy or borrow rice. If they have to borrow money from a money lender, the interest rate is 200%. Money borrowed from relatives is free of interest. During the months of rice shortage the villagers shift to other food to fill their dietary gap. These mainly consist of tubers like taro, sweet potatoes, yam, which are either grown in the upland fields or collected in the forest. The most serious period of rice shortage is from June to September. In October the rice harvest season begins and rice shortage is over.

In years when rice is plentiful, taro, yams and sweet potatoes are usually used to feed animals. Wildlife and other products from the forest play an important role in the food supply of the villagers, particularly during the periods of rice shortage.

3.2.2.5 Infrastructure

Roads and markets: Considering the average situation in northern Lao PDR, Ban Kachet is easily accessible. It is directly located on the sealed road leading from Luang Prabang to Oudomxay. This is one of the major trading routes leading from China southwards to central and eastern Lao PDR.

The distance to the district capital, Nam Bak, is 27 km (fare cost of 1,000 kip by pick-up truck), to Oudomxay 66 km (2,000 kip) and to Luang Prabang 130 km (4,000 kip). The closest market is Ban Pak Mong (20 km, 500 kip), which is at an intersection on the way from Luang Prabang to Oudomxay and further to China, as well as to the north-east route to Houaphan province and Viet Nam. The most important market is Oudomxay; Nam Bak town is second in importance.

Water: Ban Kachet has three water sources. However, the water supply is one of the infrastructural shortcomings. During the dry season the water sources close to the village are inadequate. The villagers consider water-supply as the most urgent development problem for Ban Kachet.^[1]

3.2.2.6 Land tenure

Land allocation was carried out in Ban Kachet in 1996. According to government regulations, every family received four plots of land for cultivation. Several areas which are traditionally used and cultivated were not allocated. This resulted in a situation in which after land allocation the farmers had less land available for cultivation than before. Moreover, farmers stated that they already had problems with declining soil fertility. One reason for this may be an over-utilization of the limited number of cultivation areas. It seems questionable that the land allocated to the villagers can sustainably provide sufficient food. If this observation is unfortunately right, the clearing of additional forestlands will be inevitable.

Until recently there were no problems with encroachment of other groups into the village area. During the last few years, however, a land conflict has arisen with people from a neighbouring Hmong village. This is an indication of increasing land pressure in the Nam Bak district.

Unlike other non-wood forest products, the benzoin producing styrax trees are traditionally individually owned. Forty-one families (64%) own some styrax forests. The size of the area ranges from 1 to 3 ha. All the other forest products can be gathered by the one who finds them first or who indicates by placing a sign that a claim is being laid on them.

The land use map drawn by the villagers of Ban Kachet (Figure 3.2) is the result of 1) the practice of shifting cultivation system with its fallow cycle and 2) the land allocation in 1996. The area available for cultivation by the villagers (upland rice field and fallow area) represents about half of the village area. During the fallow period, styrax forests dominate a large part of the area. The remaining area is mainly production forest and, to a limited extent, protection forest. Areas used for community and religious purposes, e.g. cemetery or ghost forest, are part of the protection forest. The production forests can be considered as village forests but are under district administration and provincial authorities. Extraction of timber is only allowed for house construction in the village. The use of the other forest products is permitted without fee or restriction.

3.2.3 Economic activities

3.2.3.1 Sources of cash income

The ranking of the main sources of cash income for men and women is given in Table 3.3. NWFPs play a major role as a source of cash income. Both sex groups register cardamom of highest importance, followed by livestock, paper mulberry, benzoin and broom grass. Agricultural products like rice, sesame or chili are economically of less importance, indicating a high level of agricultural subsistence production. With some exceptions the ranking of men and women is similar. Obviously, for women many more products are of economic value than for men. The most significant difference is that women give importance to more agricultural products (ginger, sweet potatoes, taro) and NWFPs (bamboo shoots).

The villagers are very well aware of the possibility to gain a higher price for their products by selling directly to customers or traders in the respective market places. Gaining a higher trade margin by direct selling is mainly a matter of individual calculations and the availability of means of transport.

Table 3.3 Ranking of main sources of cash income in Ban Kachet for men and women

Notes:

1. Alpinia malaccensis
2. Zanthoxylum rhetsa or Z. limonella

Labour requirements per month, divided between men and women, are shown in calendar form in Table 3.4. The highest labour demand occurs around the middle and end of the year, which is the time for weeding, harvesting and collecting NWFPs. The calendar does not show significant differences in the perception of labour needs between men and women, but it underlines the interrelationship of the villagers with the natural environment, i.e. upland fields, fallows and forests. A large proportion of the raw materials for their daily life comes directly from those environments.

A calendar of expenses and income, separately for men and women, is given in Table 3.5. It seems that women have a great number of different sources of income and expenses. In particular the income side of the women’s group calendar includes more products than the one for the men’s group. Again it is evident that forest and fallow products are important for cash income generation.

The income from the most important NWFPs (e.g. cardamom, benzoin, paper mulberry, and broom grass) occurs at the time when there is, apart from some vegetables, hardly any other sources of income. This is also the time when the supply of rice is declining and often people have to borrow money or sell livestock to fill the gap in the rice supply. The income from NWFPs functions as a buffer in this sense. With the exception of expenses for festivals, the families spend their money mainly on rice, medicine, clothes and tools. There is no tradition of producing their own clothes.

3.2.3.2 Agricultural production

Shifting cultivation is the traditional means of agricultural production and production patterns are very much subsistence-oriented. In May 1997 the total area cultivated by the 62 households of Ban Kachet amounted to 174 ha. This represents the area which was allocated to the village in 1996. As previously mentioned, each household received four plots for cultivation according to their available labour force. On average a household received around 2.75 ha.

The main agricultural crop is rain-fed upland rice (glutinous rice). Local varieties are grown. The yield per ha of upland rice varies from 0.6-1.2 tonnes with an average of 1.0 tonne, depending very much on the length of the previous fallow period. The length of the fallow period determines the nutrient status of the soil as well as how much of the weed growth will be shaded out; the latter determines the amount of labour input necessary for weeding. The Khamu people are aware of this fact. They look for a forest area with trees that are not too large, but with limited undergrowth. Before the land allocation, the average fallow period was 7-9 years. Because of the biophysical conditions, there is no irrigated land in the Ban Kachet area.

Table 3.4 Calendar of activities and labour input for men and women

Note: The Khamu calendar differs from the international calendar by six weeks (earlier).

¹ Among women, no assessment of the level of labour input was made.

Table 3.5 Calendar of expenses and income for men and women

An indication of the usual crops cultivated in Ban Kachet, divided into cash and subsistence crops, is given in Table 3.6. Every product is for sale as long as the well-being of the family is assured. In particular corn and root crops are important during the period of rice shortage.

Table 3.6 List of subsistence and cash crops (unranked)

3.2.3.3 Forest products

Table 3.7 presents a ranking of forest/fallow products according to their importance for subsistence use. Bamboo is by far the most important product; a number of bamboo species yield edible shoots that serve to broaden the nutritional base. In addition, bamboo canes are used for various purposes such as house construction and producing handicrafts like baskets or mats. Rattans have similar uses but are not as important.

The main uses of wood are for fuelwood and for construction. Despite its soft characteristics, the wood from styrax trees is used for both purposes. Styrax wood is locally used for house construction, mainly because of its resistance to insects. Fruits and roots of mak kha (Zanthoxylum rhetsa) are used for food and are also sold. The same is true of broom grass, but with more emphasis on selling.

Table 3.7 Ranking of forest products according to their importance for subsistence use in Ban Kachet

The management of the village forest area is the responsibility of the village forester in cooperation with the village headman. The village forester is selected by the district forestry service together with the village headman and receives two weeks training per year.

In addition to the NWFP traders who regularly visit Ban Kachet, there are also villagers acting as middlemen. They acquire products from the collectors and sell them to other traders either in the village or in Nam Bak town. The collection and processing of most of the NWFPs is carried out by women, children and older people. If more physical strength is needed, such as for tapping and harvesting of benzoin, men do the job.

Wood extraction is only allowed for house construction within the village and is limited to a certain quantity per family. As a source of cash income, wood does not play a role in the economic life of the villagers.

An overview of the most important forest and fallow products in Ban Kachet is presented in Table 3.8. A detailed interpretation is given below.

The amount of income generated from forest and fallow products varies from family to family. The range is 50,000-150,000 kip per year depending on the magnitude of the harvest, prices and available labour. It is difficult to assess the proportion represented by these products on the entire family income. In general, the poorer the family the greater the share of family income coming from forest and fallow products. At the maximum it is estimated to reach 50%.

Table 3.8 Most important forest and fallow products

Benzoin

Although more than 60% of the households own some styrax forest, benzoin does not have the importance for the villagers that it formerly had. This trend is the same in the other benzoin producing areas in Lao PDR. At the time of the survey, there were only five households in Ban Kachet which were continuing to actively tap; 25 households had recently stopped tapping because of the low benzoin prices. They could restart tapping if the prices become more attractive.

However, this downturn in benzoin tapping should not lead to the conclusion that it is not worthwhile to promote benzoin and its production. Many families, in particular the poor ones, depend considerably on the cash income generated by the sale of benzoin. Furthermore, the recent movements on the benzoin market indicate a positive price development.

An aspect which can seriously affect benzoin production in the future is the decreasing length of fallow periods on upland fields caused by increasing land pressure and the current way of land allocation to local people.

Other forest products

Cardamom (Amomum ovoideum): At the time of the survey, cardamom was the most important non-wood forest product for income generation in Ban Kachet. One person can harvest up to 6 kg per year, depending on the season. Two kinds of cardamom, white and red, grow in the area of Ban Kachet. White cardamom grows more on moist soil, yields less but receives higher prices than red cardamom. The white variety is mainly used for medicinal purposes. Red cardamom has lower soil requirements but its yield is greater.

The harvest of cardamom occurs between late August and early October. Harvesting can be done individually or collectively. In the case of collective harvest, the head of the village announces the day of the harvest. After harvest the seeds are initially dried for a few hours, peeled and then given a final drying of 2-3 days.

Traders are mostly interested in white cardamom, but its availability is limited. Normally the villagers mix white and red cardamom for selling. Since it is easy to distinguish the varieties, the traders are aware of the mixing that takes place. Cardamom starts producing fruits when it reaches three years of age and then produces fruits every second year. In Ban Kachet cardamom is only gathered from the forest; it is not cultivated.

Paper mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera) bark: The production of paper mulberry bark has increased significantly in recent years. In Ban Kachet its economic importance is comparable to that of benzoin. Mulberry bark is the raw material traditionally used to produce a type of wrapping paper used for all kinds of products. Currently, a large portion of the bark is exported to Thailand where it is processed into high quality paper and sold to other countries, mainly Japan. The smaller local production of paper is, in addition to its traditional uses, often sold in various forms to tourists.

The raising of paper mulberry is possible in two ways: in plantations or in the forest. People in Ban Kachet grow mulberry in the forests under a low intensity system. The prices the growers received for the bark in 1997 ranged from 500-800 kip/kg, depending on the grade. Paper mulberry is one of the most promoted products in Luang Prabang province and Ban Kachet seems to have a good potential for expanding its production.

Bamboo and rattan: Bamboo is probably the most important forest/fallow product. The large number of bamboo species allows ample uses, with more emphasis on subsistence use. Several finished and semi-finished bamboo products (mats, baskets, thatch etc.) are made and, to a limited extent, sold. A similar statement can be made for rattan. The uses vary from construction material to shoots as subsistence food and for sale. Rattan seeds are a recognized source of cash income in Ban Kachet, bringing 600 kip/kg.

Mak khaen (Zanthoxylum rhetsa): Mak khaen is a tree fruit seed used as a condiment. Very little labour is needed for its harvest; in that sense it is an interesting product for the people of Ban Kachet. One tree yields about 5 kg of seeds; trees start bearing fruit at the age of 5-6 years. To harvest the fruit the tree is felled; for that reason mak khaen is becoming increasingly rare. After fruit harvest the seeds are removed and dried.

Mak kha (Alpinia malaccensis): Both the fruits and the root of this herb can be used. The fruits are mainly collected and sold to Chinese traders; the villagers themselves do not use the fruit. The root is both for subsistence use as a spice, and sold, bringing 50 kip/kg. The plant shoots are a local food item. Mak kha is common in the village area and easy to find. About one third of the villagers collect the fruits during harvest season in October. Post-harvest processing consists of cooking and drying.

Broom grass (Thysanolaena maxima): Broom grass (Khaem in Lao) represents a fallow plant more than a classic NWFP, but it plays an important role as a source of cash income. The harvest period extends from January until March. The 1997 farm-gate price for broom grass was 800 kip/kg; in Nam Bak it was 1,200 kip/kg.

3.2.3.4 Horticulture and livestock

All families cultivate home-gardens. However, the garden size is always extremely limited, as are the number and quantity of plants that are cultivated. Due to the location of Ban Kachet on a mountain saddle, it is difficult to increase the home garden area close to the village. The most common garden plants are ginger, pumpkin, eggplant, chili, long bean, cucumber and job’s tears.

Six Ban Kachet families cultivate fruit trees on a very small scale (a few trees per garden). The following fruit trees can be found: tamarind, orange, papaya, peach, mango, pomelo, jackfruit, banana, guava and coconut.

Livestock, in particular larger animals such as cattle or buffalo, are an indicator of wealth. Animal diseases are frequent and at the village level there is no animal health volunteer. There is much disease and death, especially among chickens and pigs. The small number of chickens in April 1997 was caused by an epidemic. Cattle and buffalo graze freely in the areas around the village; pens are uncommon. Pigs also roam freely in the village.

3.2.3.5 Off-farm activities

Trade: Business activities are limited in Ban Kachet. Two shops offer a limited variety of necessities for daily life. One family acts as a trader for agricultural and forestry products on a relatively larger scale than the others. Three rice mills offer their services and evening entertainment is provided by one family which shows video films.

Handicrafts: Most of the goods produced by the villagers such as baskets, mats and woven bags are largely for subsistence use. Trade in these products is little developed; selling occurs sporadically. Five men are skilled as blacksmiths.

There are a number of raw materials or semi-finished products with existing marketing possibilities. Most of these are collected from the forest or fallow fields and sold to traders who regularly visit the village. The production and selling of roofing material (thatch) of bamboo and rattan leaves and of the grass Imperata cylindrica has reached the level of a cottage industry in Ban Kachet, mainly because of its easy access for traders.

Wage labour: It is not uncommon for men to seek employment when there is minimal work to do on their own farms. Traditionally they are hired by farmers from neighbouring villages, mainly those belonging to the Hmong ethnic group.

3.2.4 Family living standards

Three different economic groups were identified in Ban Kachet and they can be characterized as follows.

The first group is made up of the very poor families which have a limited labour force. The general reasons for their status are: 1) there are children who are too young to work with their parents and to contribute to the family labour needs; 2) the family is headed by a widow; or 3) drug addiction of the father. The general consequence of one or more of these reasons is rice insufficiency for several months per year.

Because these families have no available savings, only a small investment in livestock is possible. The risk of raising animals can be taken only for a few chickens and one or two pigs.

The main source of cash income is from NWFPs. Because benzoin collection requires male labour, tapping is uncommon within the poorest families of Ban Kachet, if they own styrax forests at all. The second important income sources are from certain agricultural and horticultural products like chili or sesame. Some individuals in very poor families hire themselves out as labourers in other villages.

Poor families represent the second economic group in Ban Kachet. The majority of families in this economic group presently or formerly tapped benzoin. All other characteristics of the poor family group are between the two extremes described above and below.

Moderately wealthy families comprise the third economic group. Besides the parents, older children contribute labour to the family’s activities. Members of some families may have other occupations such as policeman, trader or shop owner. Under those circumstances, cultivating upland areas is not of such high importance to families in this group. Moderately wealthy families have sufficient money or sell some livestock to buy the rice needed in the periods of rice shortage. One family has no upland cultivation area at all.

Livestock is of higher importance than in the very poor and poor groups. Beside poultry and pigs they own buffalo, cattle and goats. NWFPs still play a role in the family economy, but they are not as important as for the less fortunate families. Benzoin is tapped by only one moderately wealthy family.

Families in this economic group have alternatives in earning cash incomes. Working with NWFPs, apart from trading, is not attractive enough for them.

3.3 Ban Sang La Dtai village

3.3.1 Physical conditions

3.3.1.1 Geographical location

Ban Sang La Dtai is much more difficult to reach than Ban Kachet. It is located about 15 km northwest of Nam Bak town and far from any road. From Nam Bak town it takes one day travelling by boat or foot to reach Ban Sang La Dtai. The distance from Ban Kachet is 16 km in a northern direction.

The elevation of the village area ranges from 450 m to more than 1,000 m above sea level. The village itself is located at about 900 m. The exact boundaries and extent of the land area the village owns are not known. The district administration plans to start land allocation soon. Part of the process will be the demarcation of village boundaries.

3.3.1.2 Topography and climate

The topography and climatic conditions are very similar to those of Ban Kachet and for that reason are not repeated here. The main difference in terms of climate is a lower average temperature due to the higher elevation.

With regards to soils, the basic conditions are assumed to be similar to Ban Kachet, but no data are available. The main differences are due to human activities. Because the fallow period is considerably longer in Ban Sang La Dtai, the average soil fertility is assumed to be higher.

3.3.2 Socio-economic conditions

3.3.2.1 Village history

Ban Sang La Dtai is an old village like Ban Kachet. In the late 1960s, due to its exposed location, Ban Sang La Dtai suffered from heavy bombing during the Viet Nam War. For that reason the villagers decided to move to a safer area downhill. In 1971 most of the families came back and re-established the village.

3.3.2.2 Demography

In May 1997, the population of Ban Sang La Dtai was 154 people in 28 households (23 families). The average number of people per household is 5.5, similar to Ban Kachet. The sex distribution is also similar: 55% (84 persons) are male and 45% (70 persons) female. A total of 58 individuals (38%) belong to the active labour force of the village: 28 women and 30 men. All inhabitants belong to the Khamu ethnic group (Lao Theung).

Figure 3.3 Map of Ban Sang La Dtai

Figure 3.4 Ban Sang La Dtai - Land Use

3.3.2.3 Village organization and education

The village organization is similar to Ban Kachet. However, because of its considerably smaller size, it is not subdivided into groups.

The existing village school teaches children in the first four grades. To attend classes beyond the fourth grade, children have to go to Nam Bak town.

3.3.2.4 Health and nutrition

Eleven households (40%) suffer from rice shortages from June or July until October. The other families have sufficient quantities for the entire year. This represents a higher level of rice sufficiency as compared to Ban Kachet.

The most common health problems are malaria, diarrhoea and red-eye disease. The nearest available health service is located in Nam Bak town.

3.3.2.5 Infrastructure

Accessibility: There is no road access to Ban Sang La Dtai. The only way to reach the village overland is by a footpath from the next village of Ban Pak Sang La, which is situated at the Nam Bak (Bak River). From there to Ban Sang La Dtai it takes about 2-3 hours, depending on the season. Ban Pak Sang La can be reached from Nam Bak town either by boat (3-4 hours) or on a footpath (6 hours).

Markets: Unlike Ban Kachet, there are no direct marketing possibilities. Since the village is difficult to reach, no traders visit there to buy commodities. Some traders do come to Ban Pak Sang La to collect goods. However, the main market for buying and selling goods is Nam Bak town.

As a result of the difficult transport conditions, the marketing of agricultural products is limited to commodities which are light in weight and easy to transport, such as cardamom, benzoin, mak kha, mak khaen, mulberry bark, broom grass, sesame and chili.

Water: There are seven sources of water in the village area. The closest stream is 10 minutes walking distance.

3.3.2.6 Land tenure and use

Land allocation has not yet taken place, although it is planned for the near future. Land is still managed in the traditional way without legal land tenure. Initially, the elders decide about the land area to be given to each family. The general pattern is that a family receives 0.5 ha for each family member who can provide labour. Once a family has received land it becomes their individual land. The decision about clearing for agriculture is made by the family, but the fallow period should not be less than 5 years.

Each family owns a number of different small plots (ten or more). Each year one area is cleared, burned and cultivated. The fallow period is therefore at least 10 years, allowing the soil to regain its fertility.

Pressure on the land is relatively low; land is available and land conflicts are uncommon. It is possible to bring under cultivation new land which is not being used by another family. However, medium-term fallows are preferred because of the lower labour input necessary as compared to older areas stocked with larger trees. As in Ban Kachet, styrax forests are owned individually, whereas other forest products are free for the taking to anyone living in the village area.

The land use patterns are the same as in Ban Kachet; however, land use is not as intensive in Ban Sang La Dtai. The relatively large area of Conservation Forests and fallow land is one indication of low intensity. Unlike in Ban Kachet, paper mulberry is cultivated separately on a plantation close to the village.

3.3.3 Economic activities

3.3.3.1 Sources of cash income

Table 3.9 presents a ranking of the sources of cash income. There are strong similarities to the results from Ban Kachet. The importance of non-wood forest products is very pronounced. Compared to Ban Kachet, NWFPs are even more important, whereas agricultural products are less important.

Cardamom ranks first, as it does in Ban Kachet, whereas benzoin is more important than in Ban Kachet, ranking second. Heavier agricultural products (rice, taro, ginger) and more perishable products (vegetables) are ranked lower. This is a consequence of the remoteness of the village, difficult transport conditions, as well as the large forested areas surrounding Ban Sang La Dtai.

Table 3.9 Ranking of the sources of cash income from agricultural and forest products

The calendar of the income sources is shown in Table 3.10. Once again, the situation is very similar to Ban Kachet. Income from selling the most prominent NWFPs (cardamom, benzoin, paper mulberry, broom grass) comes during the portion of the year when there are scarcely any other income sources.

Table 3.10 Calendar of income sources

The calendar for labour input is shown in Table 3.11. The activities listed closely coincide with those from Ban Kachet. The level of labour input reflects differences. The labour input needed between the fifth and sixth month (International Calendar) is much higher in Ban Kachet than in Ban Sang La Dtai. This is the period when weeding is the primary work. One explanation for this difference is more vigorous weed growth in Ban Kachet than in Ban Sang La Dtai because its shorter fallow period retains more weed seeds in soils. The remaining differences are not pronounced enough to be able draw conclusions from them.

3.3.3.2 Agricultural production

Agricultural production patterns in Ban Sang La Dtai are similar to those of Ban Kachet, but the subsistence level is more pronounced. Selling of agricultural commodities such as sesame, chili, sweet potatoes, ginger, cucumber and rice is common. Table 3.12 shows the division of crops for sale and subsistence.

Table 3.11 Calendar of Labour Inputs

Table 3.12 Subsistence and cash crops

The fallow period in Ban Sang La Dtai ranges between 10 and 15 years. Upland rice yields per ha vary between 1.0 and 2.0 tonnes which is considerably higher than in Ban Kachet, most probably because of the longer average fallow period.

The villagers confirmed that opium production was undertaken until a year ago, when it was banned by the district authorities.

Every family has a home garden in which the above mentioned vegetables are produced, but in a limited manner. Fruit trees are uncommon in Ban Sang La Dtai.

Regarding livestock, ten households own one or more buffalo and cattle are frequent. The number of pigs and poultry per family is considerably higher than in Ban Kachet. The general livestock situation is better than in Ban Kachet.

3.3.3.3 Forest products

Larger diameter wood is available in more remote and steep slope areas and supplies are adequate. Just as in Ban Kachet, wood is not of economic relevance for the villagers.

The NWFPs collected, their uses and processing are very similar to Ban Kachet. As mentioned above, they are more important as sources of cash income than in Ban Kachet and benzoin tapping is of greater importance. The villagers sell the marketable NWFPs at the neighbouring village of Ban Pak Sang La.

Benzoin: Until 1995 almost the entire village tapped benzoin (26 of 28 households). Since then, 15 households have abandoned tapping, mainly because of the fall in prices in recent years. Nevertheless, the 40% of the families still tapping is comparatively high.

There are at least five reasons to explain why the intensity of benzoin tapping has remained relatively high in the village. First, a lack of alternative sources of income (beside other NWFPs); second, sufficiently mature styrax forests are available; third, high yields (benzoin production at this elevation is high); fourth, benzoin storage is not a problem; and fifth, comparative ease of transport.

Benzoin tapping has a tradition going back many generations. Every family owns some styrax forest. Nine households each own about 10 ha of styrax forest and five households about 4 ha each. At the time of the survey 11 families were tapping benzoin.

Because the fallow period in the area of Ban Sang La Dtai is considerably longer than in Ban Kachet, trees aged up to 15 years are also tapped. The maximum tapping life of a tree is 7-8 years. However, at about age 13, productivity is said to decrease considerably.

The nearest styrax forest to the village is about two hours walking distance. The highest yield of benzoin per family in 1997 was 10.5 kg.

3.3.3.4 Off-farm activities

In the village, off-farm activities are limited. Seven men work part-time as blacksmiths and three women produce woven bags for use within the village.

Due to the remote location of the village, the people of Ban Sang La Dtai have very little to do with producing semi-finished products such as thatch, as is the case in Ban Kachet. There are no trading activities and wage labour is uncommon.

3.3.4 Family living standards

The general family living standards described for Ban Kachet are also valid in Ban Sang La Dtai. However, there is not such a pronounced differentiation among the families. Since off-farm activities are limited, all families are active in upland agriculture and gain most of their regular cash income from collecting and selling NWFPs. According to the economic classification criteria used for Ban Kachet, the majority of the families in Ban Sang La Dtai fall into the second group, i.e. poor families.

Benzoin tapping is not so clearly related to any economic group as it is in Ban Kachet. Since few alternatives to earn money are available, somewhat better-off farmers also tap benzoin. Apart from individual economic considerations, the availability of sufficient male labour is one important factor favouring benzoin tapping.

3.4 Conclusions: the village context of benzoin production

Benzoin and other NWFPs are essential components of the livelihood systems of rural populations in northern Lao PDR. NWFPs provide raw materials for a range of purposes for subsistence use and for sale. For the poorer segments of the population they offer one of the few possibilities for earning cash. This income is important because it allows villagers to bridge the annual period of rice deficiency and improve their diet.

Because this income source is so important, it is worthwhile to examine closely the following: 1) other NWFPs which are already being used by the people in the villages, but have not been commercialized; 2) the potential for the cultivation or management of interesting NWFPs; some products such as mak khaen are becoming scarce; 3) possibilities of further processing of NWFPs at the village level, which is currently limited to cleaning and sorting.

The situation described in Ban Sang La Dtai is characteristic of benzoin production conditions in northern Lao PDR. The majority of the benzoin-producing villages are similar in being isolated and remote.

Ban Kachet has a development asset due to its good road infrastructure. For that reason the possibilities for off-farm activities are significantly higher, as well as opportunities to sell agricultural products and NWFPs.

However, the increasing land pressure in the area of Ban Kachet may be a consequence of this better accessibility.

The overall objectives of land allocation are to control shifting cultivation and reduce pressure on forest resources. However, the cultivation practices of villagers have not changed despite the reduced land area available. This situation carries with it the risk of unsustainable land management.

Other development problems facing Ban Kachet and Ban Sang La Dtai, and villages in northern Lao PDR in general, are: 1) increasing population pressure; 2) poor health and nutrition conditions; 3) poor education opportunities; 4) lack of support services for agriculture, horticulture and livestock production; and 5) limited job opportunities outside agriculture.

Photo 3.1 Project work in the field with villagers of Ban Kachet.