0831-A3

Forest resource management through traditionally in vogue participatory approaches in the Himalayas, India: implications for policy and sustainable livelihoods

H.K. Gupta and R.A. Singh 1


Abstract

Sustainable management of the rich forest resources of the ecologically sensitive Himalayan State Himachal Pradesh (HP) contributes significantly towards ecological stability and the economic development of the state. There are numerous traditionally in vogue successful cases of people's active participation in forest resource management, especially in the regulated collection and distribution of forest products in the inner Himalayas. Examples of the traditional system of management of commercially important forest products yielding edible pine nuts, cumin, the morels, grass and willow coppice management from the villages and forests located in the inner Himalayas are discussed. Traditional initiatives and systems in the participatory and regulated use of forest through local institutions existing in these villages have implications for policy and sustainable livelihoods to achieve the goal of sustainable forest management. The analysis of the traditional systems of management through local institutions shows that there is a strong positive relationship between social capital and natural resource management/ protection at local level. The systems that follow the principles of sustainable rural livelihoods must be recognized and strengthened with appropriate policy support to form the basis for sustainable forest management.


Introduction

Sustainable management of the rich forest resources of ecologically sensitive Himalayan State - Himachal Pradesh contributes significantly towards ecological stability and economical development of the state, region and the country. Forests are key to livelihoods to majority of people being dependent on forests for fuelwood, fodder, grazing, construction timber and NTFPs. Traditional customary rights of the people living in and around the forests allowed them to use the produce of the forests for their livelihood. The conservation and management of its forest resources have been possible with the active participation of local people. There are numerous traditionally in vogue successful cases of people active participation in forest resource management especially in the regulated collection and distribution of forest products in the villages of inner Himalayas. Such cases are widespread in which committees of local deities; nominated and/ or elected members plan and organize their functioning without written procedures. Participatory approaches vary from case to case but people have great faith in the decision making and conflict resolution of these committees that are neither political nor administrative bodies (Gupta 1999, Dhiman 2001). This study focuses on the management of commercially important forest products by local institutions and its relevance to sustainable livelihoods and participatory forest management.

The Study Area

The high mountain region falling in trans-Himalayan zone, in the state of Himachal Pradesh covers the district of Kinnaur, Lahaul-Spiti and parts of Chamba (Pangi sub-division) with the altitude ranging between 3000 to 4000 meters above msl. It has a very steep and rocky terrain. These areas are temperate and dry. The total annual precipitation is less than 1000 mm. The winters are severe and receive precipitation in the form of snow. This zone is divided into a sub alpine zone and an alpine zone on the basis of altitude and type of vegetation. There are adverse conditions for livelihood and only one agriculture production is possible each year. The dependence of people on forest resources is very high as these are essential for livelihoods.

Materials & Methods

The case study approach was adopted for the purposively selected villages from the study area. Most of the background information including description of study area was obtained from the secondary documents as settlement report, district gazetteers. The information from study villages was collected from the forest functionaries and local people through interviews and observations.

Results & Discussion

The case studies of collection and management of edible Pine nuts, Black Cumin, the Morels and Medicinal plants, Willow coppice management, and Grass management by local village institutions are discussed.

1. Management of Edible Pine nuts and Black Cumin

The collection and management of edible pine nuts (Pinus gerarandiana) and black cumin (Nigella sativa) in the Kanam, Neshang and Akpa villages of Kinnaur district is discussed. These villages are located at a distance of 8, 9 and 5 kilometers from the 42nd National highway. The vegetation around these villages is sparse and the people dependence on natural forests is very high. The inhabitants have recorded rights on use of natural forests to sustain their life and sale of some of NTFPs is allowed. The main products of socio-economical importance obtained from the forests are edible pine nuts, black cumin, morels, medicinal plants and grass. The inhabitants have organized themselves for their protection, collective collection and management of these products through deity committees.

Forest use and management by local institutions

Neoza pine (local name) is an indigenous species to inner Himalayas which occurs over 40-50 ha area around these villages. The cones are collected during the month of October for seeds which are sold as valuable dry fruit.

Collection Procedure by committees

a) In Kanam village, the deity affairs are managed by three persons (called Mathas) nominated to look after the property of temple, orchards and bank account. Most of the village affairs and disputes are settled in the meeting organized in the temple premises. The temple committee appoints a person on monthly payment to inform the inhabitants about the meetings and other social activities undertaken in the village

A meeting of the villagers to decide the collection of its cones is invited by the deity nominees during October when the villagers feel that Neoza cones are ready for plucking. Villagers assemble at specified time, date and place mostly in the premises of temple. Senior deity nominee initiate meeting proceedings and the villagers collectively decide the system of collection and distribution. Generally one male and one female from each family are nominated for collection on the specified date. Teams of one male and one female (mostly of the same family) spread in the forests and male member climbs on the trees and pluck the cones while female member gathers the dropped cones. Trees contain three kinds of cones viz., old opened cones of last year crop, freshly matured cones which contained ripe nuts and the small immature cones which will mature in the following year. Only cones with ripe nuts are harvested. Collection starts in the morning and lasts till 4 O'clock in the evening when the every collected party brings the collected cones to one place and the collections are entered in the record maintained by a person at collection site. In good seed years, a team collects about two gunny bags containing about 150 cones per bag. Entire day collection is heaped at designated place and then equally distributed among all the collected partners through locally employed distributors. Distributors get about 50 additional cones for performing this job. Second day too, people spread in the forests for collection of cones but the collected cones are heaped near the collection site and distributed in the evening. The collection in the area lasts for 4 days. In some cases some families forego their share as they do not participate in the collection while in some others they engage labor on payment basis to ensure the share of the collected produce.

b) In Akpa village, pine nuts and cumin seeds are collected from its surrounding forests as per the instructions of the Deity Committee headed by the man locally called as Charas. Villagers collect these two products from Demarcated Protected Forests stretched over 2-3 km & in small blocks equivalent to number of families and each block is allotted to each family by drawing lots for 5 years. Villagers collect cones on the designated date from the allotted blocks. Each family gets around 15-40 kg of edible nuts each year. Some parts on the fringes of forests have less pine trees and nut yield. Those areas are not allotted and are auctioned each year to the one person of same village. Money obtained from the auction is deposited in the deity account. About 50-60 kg nuts are annually available to the contractor from these auctions.

c) Neshang village has a committee of 3 persons, each one are selected from three groups locally called as Tomangs viz., 0 Ranthang, Lakhang and Shupho Tomang. These members do not get any salary or financial benefits from the village. This committee decides major social activities and collective resource use in the village and in its surrounding forests.

d) In Nathpa, there is a five-member committee of the ` Naag Deota', the committee includes Mathas (Head), Pujari, Mali, Mate and a Cashier. Membership of three former members is inherited whereas the inherited members select other two. Every major decision on social activities and common resource use is taken collectively by the villagers and the decision of the `Deity Committee' is final and binding on all. The committee organizes meeting of the villagers in advance of any activity in which all families participate and approve the decision of the committee.

e) In Pangi, Luj and Dharwas forests, a village committee commonly called as Praza organizes the major social activities and those related to collective resource use. Praza decides the date and procedure for collection and distribution of cones. The meeting is attended by at least one member of each family. Generally two members per family (one male and one female) are sent for cone collection on designated date. Cone collection starts on the designated date and lasts till all cones are collected. These cones are brought to a common place decided in the meeting and are equally distributed to participating families.

2) Grass Management in Kinnaur and Pangi

a) Grass is the major product extracted from the forests for the livestock. As crop and livestock production constitute a predominant component of the income for the families. Villagers do not allow grazing in areas protected for grass cutting. Animal grazing is allowed only in highland pastures called Kandas. In the adjoining areas of the village, grazing is strictly prohibited and a watcher appointed by the committee on rotation basis who looks after the protection. Grass cutting is done in September before the winters and the grass is used for feeding animals during the winters. Each family gets about one quintal (3 head load of 30-35 kg having 120 hand bundles). Fines are imposed on families found indulged in grazing and are credited to the deity account.

b) In Akpa village, the grass area in the forests is permanently divided among the families and anybody grazing animals in the areas reserved for cutting is fined by the committee and the fine goes to the family whose grass has been grazed. A meeting of the villagers is held after monsoon when date and time of grass cutting is decided. Grass cutting is started on decided dates.

c) In Nathpa, the inhabitants collectively keep around 8000 number of sheep and goats and send them for grazing in pastures during May to September. During winters families having less number of livestock keep them in their houses whereas those having big herds migrate to lower altitudes for grazing. Families having over 25 animals attend them in rotation during summer grazing at higher reaches, whereas those in the small number pay to others for grazing their animals. The committee decides the rotation of grazing.

d) In Pangi, for grass collection from government forests, a different system is practiced in the village. Grass is protected from grazing collectively by the villagers through instructions issued by the Praza (1e) . A date is decided for cutting the grass in a meeting of the Praza. On designated date one person from each family goes to the forest early in the morning and earmark the area having good grass growth and which he can cut in that day only. If the Praza fines one earmark area which one could not cut on that day than one. Villagers under this system are supposed to cut the entire area earmarked in the morning however one can carry cut grass on other days.

3) Willow Coppice Management: Lossar village (Spiti)

Village Lossar is situated at 3900 meters altitude in Spiti. Wild willow (Salix fragillis) an arboreal shrub, occurs naturally on river and stream beds at such high altitude where no other woody species is seen. Coppice shoots of the species are harvested and are extensively used as small timber, firewood, fodder etc. by local people. The branches are used extensively to support the roof in locally constructed mud-roofed houses.

a) The management of the willow forests and harvest of coppice shoots is done by a 3 member committee headed by Nambardar and 2 other members of the villagers who are selected from each house by rotation. The willows are managed under coppice system in which coppice shoots are harvested in alternate years. The area is divided for harvesting and each year a different area is selected. All willow shoots are harvested from stumps during April by employing one or two members from each family. The harvested shoots are made into one meter sets that are sold to different agencies for field planting. The left branches are equally distributed among the villagers for use as firewood.

b) Plantations, irrigation and protection of willows is done by villagers. The committee decides the number of persons to be engaged from each family for planting, irrigation, making stone wall fencing etc. Persons for watch and ward work are selected by drawing the lots. Each family gets a job for 3-4 months in watch and ward in already made plantations. Every amount of sale of willow shoots and plantation work is received through Nambardar and is equally distributed among the village families. Each family gets around Rs.10,000-Rs.15,000 every year from these activities. Fines punish violations of committee rules. The institution of co-operative labor also exists for agricultural and irrigation works (Gupta, 1999).

4) Extraction of Morels, medicinal plants in Nathpa Forests (Kinnaur)

The main profession of the villagers is sheep rearing, agriculture and collection of Morels Guchhi (Morchella esculenta) and medicinal plants for sale. Guchhi (local name) is a nutritious wild mushroom and has export market which is generally collected to supplement cash income to the household. It is collected from the forests during May. Cumin herbs are collected on the specified date decided by the deity committee by employing one person from each family. Each person collects herbs on a prescribed day and extracts the seed for himself. Each family gets around 5-6 kg seed from these collections every year.

Linkages between Forests and Rural Livelihoods: a discussion

The inhabitants have recorded rights on forest use through legal forest settlements. However, local tribes inhabiting the area are conservative and use collective participatory approaches as described in case studies in their management and use of forests and pastures on which their very survival and existence is dependant. Hence, people protect resources used by them. The control is exercised through their local institutions as for example local deity committees for conflict resolution generally by consensus and fines. The interdependence amongst people is very high. There is a strong commercial activity involved as edible nuts, cumin seeds, morels, and medicinal plants found in the area are highly valued and source of cash income. It demonstrates the good forest- good livelihood linkages in HP (Morrison, 2001)

These case studies of traditionally in vogue participatory approaches in forest resource management and regulated use of their products have deep faith in local deity system. The different approaches in distribution of forest products by committees' for collective collection followed by equitable distribution, permanent distribution by area, number of trees by rotation or sometimes fixed, direct auction to contractors and equitable distribution of the produce by the members of the group. Therefore, the conflicts between individuals, families, castes and groups in level of participation in different operations and in distribution of forest products are minimum in comparison to those found in the recently introduced joint forest management (JFM) program. These systems have undergone time testing for several decades and indicate villagers increased dependence on natural resources for sustenance on these land-locked valleys of inner Himalayas.

There exists relationship between forests and livelihoods, which are demonstrated by these traditional systems that where there are appropriate community institutions and rights consistent with capacity of forests and income from NTFP collection and marketing, the livelihoods can be sustained leading to sustainable forest management. The forest product use systems are held in flexible overlapping combinations of private, state and common property regimes. The harsh climatic and living conditions in inner Himalayas has helped to strengthen social capital by minimizing sources of conflict, to equity consideration amongst the communities. The local institutions have ensured that it has a basic level of institutional and financial sustainability. Mutual trust and co-operation amongst the members of communities is a significant factor explaining the performance of local institutions. The internal norms, role clarity, equity in benefits flow, livelihood impacts and ability to resolve conflicts relates to strong social capital existing in these communities and have a positive impact on forest management.

Since independence forest resources have come under increased pressure resulting from increased population, local needs, changing policies and the need for modernization a fast developing state. Improved infrastructure and communication have further intensified the pressure by commercialization and the diversification of economy, including fast expanding tourism. The splitting of joint families, partition and allotment of land and recent prosperity has all but additional direct pressures on forest resources and has undermined traditional local responsibilities towards forest resources (Morrison, 2001). Within HP, participation in JFM was limited and the initiative was broadly `top down' and village forest development committees tended to be imposed rather than community-driven. Thus there is a potentially favorable environment and lessons from JFM, providing consultation and negotiations for forest protection and management build on established practices as opposed to non-participatory classification and acquisition policies which have tended to suppress traditionally participatory practices.

Conclusion

The primary purpose of the forests is for conservation in Himalayas. It also is in line with the current national forest policy with its focus on environmental conservation and the meeting of subsistence needs for forest dependent communities. The case studies demonstrates that outputs forest and tree resources make to livelihoods outcomes of the inhabitants through increased income (large number of inhabitants generate a portion of their income from the forests), increased well being, reduced vulnerability and make more sustainable use of the natural resource base (Arnold, 1998).

New joint forest management programs initiated in HP and other states strongly underline the need for developing areas to produce sustenance based products for the community. The cases presented here have also a strong base of commercial activity through sale of non-timber forest products, grass etc. and is probably another promoting factor for ensuring participation of local people in protection and management of adjoining forest resources. It also establishes that decentralized system seem to be more effective at building partnerships than centralized systems (Morrison 2001).

JFM approach followed in HP has shortcomings due to too large committees, which was unrepresentative of communities. Also it has over reliance on forest guards as animator and secretary of committee, single issue body with weak links to other community institutions and micro-plans are too long and complex, mainly focussed on enclosure and replanting with no reflection of livelihood consequences for the poorest (Gupta, 1999). Therefore, recognizing the traditional participatory approaches and local institutions in Himalayas based on sustainable livelihood principles hold promise for sustainable forest management.

References

Arnold, J.E.M. 1998. Forestry and Sustainable Rural livelihoods. In Sustainable Rural Livelihoods, What contributions can we make? Edited by Diana Carney, DFID p 155-166.

Dhiman, R.C. 2001. Traditional initiatives in Participatory Forest Management: Dodra Kawar (Shimla-H.P.) experience. Indian Forester 127 (8): 929-935.

Gupta, H.K. 1999. A study of factors influencing Joint Forest Management in the Northwest Himalayas, India. Ph. D. Thesis. University of Aberdeen, UK. 352 p.

Morrison, E. 2001. Participatory Forestry in Himachal Pradesh, India. Policy and livelihoods review. Draft working paper, IIED. 22 p.


1 Deputy Conservator of Forests (Projects), Talland, Shimla-1, Himachal Pradesh, India. [email protected]