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Rural development: some issues in the context of the WTO negotiations on agriculture[20]

Rural development is one of the central non-trade concerns being taken into account by WTO Members in the current negotiations on agriculture. This paper reviews some of the key issues for consideration. It notes that the major objective of rural development is the alleviation of rural poverty, highlights the role of agriculture in this respect, and examines the critical features of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture that may influence policy formulation for rural development.

1. Rural development, poverty and agriculture

Poverty is largely a rural problem. More than 75 percent of the world’s poor live in rural areas and a majority of the poor will continue to live in rural areas well into the 21st century. Although internationally comparable statistics on rural poverty are limited, it is clear that in virtually all developing countries, the rural poor outnumber the urban poor, often by a factor of two or more (Table 1). The rural poor suffer deeper levels of poverty than their urban counterparts and have much more limited access to basic social services such as sanitation, safe water, health services and primary education; thus they suffer disproportionately from hunger, ill health and illiteracy. In many countries, furthermore, the income gap between urban and rural areas is widening. Clearly, the rural poor face overwhelming obstacles in breaking the cycle of poverty.[21]

Agriculture is the key to alleviating rural poverty. Agriculture employs more than half of the total labour force in developing countries and almost three quarters in lower-income developing countries. Most of the world’s extreme poor depend on agriculture for their livelihoods. Agriculture has strong backward and forward linkages to the rural non-farm sector, purchasing inputs such as seeds and implements, supplying raw materials for agro-based industries and generating demand for local goods and services such as housing, furniture and clothing.[22] Hence, agricultural growth can increase the income of the rural poor both directly, through increased production and additional demand for farm labour, and indirectly, through linkages with non-farm productive activities in the rural areas. An extensive body of research on economic growth and poverty alleviation in developing countries confirms that agricultural growth has stronger effects on poverty alleviation than growth in other sectors and that rural growth reduces both urban and rural poverty.[23]

Sustainable agricultural growth and rural development can be achieved. The key ingredients to this end include: (i) access or entitlement to assets (e.g. land, water, farm animals and technology); (ii) access to fair and competitive markets - both domestic and international - for farm products; and (iii) the necessary information and physical infrastructure to reach these markets.[24] Governments have an important role to play in facilitating the development of and access to national agricultural assets and in correcting market failures and distortions to domestic markets.

The international agricultural trading environment. The current international trading context for agriculture affects rural development in developing countries in various ways, in particular through market distortions arising most often from subsidized competition from developed countries and from market access barriers to the agricultural exports of the developing countries. In addition, attempts to reform international trade in agriculture by disciplining national policies may also constrain governments of developing countries in their efforts to promote agricultural growth, since they limit the types of support policies that may be implemented. The WTO negotiations on agriculture, therefore, are of crucial importance to developing countries in their pursuit of sustainable rural development.

2. Priorities for accelerating rural development

Many developing countries have considerable unfulfilled potential in agriculture. Smallholder farmers in many parts of the world reach productivity levels that are only about one third of potential yields. Most developing countries are at an early stage of agricultural technology and still have the considerable potential to increase productivity and diversify production. Furthermore, the agricultural sector in many developing countries is handicapped by the prevalence of market imperfections, poorly functioning institutions and natural monopolies. Depressed agricultural prices - resulting in part from subsidy-induced overproduction and trade barriers in developed countries - exert an important constraint on investment in the sector.[25]

Priorities for accelerating agricultural growth and rural development in most developing countries include: (i) developing the productive potential of the agricultural sector; (ii) diversifying within agriculture and into non-farm productive activities; (iii) and safeguarding rural livelihoods from unfair competition and excessive fluctuations in world and domestic markets.[26] The basic thrust of policies and strategies in the agricultural sector is on enhancing productivity through the modernization of farming practices.

Mobilizing significant new investments in rural infrastructure, agricultural research and extension services is essential to help farmers and rural agribusinesses overcome the handicaps they face and acquire the technology and skills they need to raise productivity and improve their competitiveness. As a result of constraints on public expenditure and inadequate private capital flows, developing countries have increasingly relied on foreign aid to fund investments in the agricultural sector. However, the proportion of official development assistance going to agriculture has been on the decline since the late 1980s, the annual average having fallen from 24 percent in 1981-90 to 16 percent in 1991-99. In view of the importance of agriculture for rural development and poverty reduction, initiatives to provide financial and technical assistance to improve agricultural productivity and rural infrastructure, including those in the Marrakesh Decision on Measures Concerning the Possible Negative Effects of the Reform Programme on Least-Developed and Net Food-Importing Developing Countries, should be fully followed up. In this regard, the lending practices of international financial institutions and donors should be made more compatible with WTO guidelines on support to agriculture. It is also important to recognize that public and private investments in agriculture are complementary - not competitive - activities.[27]

Providing government support through appropriate public subsidies is a legitimate and necessary means of correcting market failures and countering unfair competition. Sustained agricultural growth has been achieved in several developing countries through a judicious combination of input subsidies (mainly in the form of fertiliser prices, credit schemes, fuel subsidies and water management), output pricing policies and border measures. Some countries have used price policies effectively to encourage adoption of new technologies or diversification into new crops. While such subsidies are less efficient than direct payments to farmers, they have an important place in a clearly defined development strategy where the policy goal extends beyond simply transferring income. Given the important multiplier effects of agricultural growth on rural development, these public subsidies not only encourage rural farmers to produce and innovate but also enhance the profitability of private rural non-farm activities and stimulate sustainable rural development.[28]

Safeguarding rural livelihoods from unfair competition and excessive fluctuations in world and domestic markets is also necessary for sustainable rural development. Given their high dependence on agriculture for incomes and the large share of food in their household budgets, rural people are vulnerable to external agricultural market instability and to import surges that could eliminate otherwise viable rural production activities. The effort to protect the livelihoods of small rural farmers may require the use of border control measures such as tariffs and safeguard measures to attenuate the adverse impact of subsidized imports and world price fluctuations.

3. Rural development and the WTO Agreement on Agriculture

While the focus of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) is not on rural development per se the Agreement has significant implications for the livelihoods of rural people in developing countries. Rural development, like food security, has been identified as a major non-trade concern in the negotiations on agriculture. Much has been said about how the AoA can contribute to food security, especially in the developing countries, and many negotiating proposals have been tabled on this subject.[29] Without repeating those arguments, it is important to stress that many of them are fully valid for rural development.

The AoA has direct bearing on the development of agriculture and rural non-farm activities in the developing countries as well as on the ability of these countries to stabilize and sustain rural incomes. In view of the overriding role of agriculture in the predominantly rural-based developing economies, it is crucial for their rural development, and for their socio-economic development in general, to enhance their domestic capacities of agriculture, improve access to foreign markets and guard against unfair competition and excessive market fluctuations.

Domestic supports to promote rural development. The AoA commitments on domestic support were designed to solve a problem developing countries do not have; namely, that of over-production. On the contrary, the central thrust of agricultural policy in most developing countries is to boost productivity in order to harness the full potential of the agricultural sector as an engine for sustainable rural development. Although the current AoA commitments give developing countries considerable policy freedom, the basic thrust of the Agreement is toward limiting the use of production-enhancing supports. Briefly, they are granted the 10 percent de minimis exemptions for product-specific and non-product-specific supports, exemptions for support provided under the green box or Annex 2 criteria, and exemptions for support provided under special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing countries. Although these provisions, taken together, constitute a wide range of measures to address the particular nature of agriculture in developing countries, many such countries view them as falling short of what is necessary and as failing to provide the requisite policy flexibility. While most developing countries are not currently constrained by their domestic support commitments, some may find their rural development policy options limited in the future.

Most developing countries also lack the financial and administrative capacity to implement measures covered by the green box, such as income safety-net programmes, and therefore may need recourse to price-based supports. As discussed above, public support in areas such as agricultural credit, fertilisers, transport, irrigation and fuel are important aspects of the development strategies of many developing countries, and additional flexibility in their use may be needed. Furthermore, many developing countries made mistakes - of strategy or out of ignorance - in the preparation of their Uruguay Round schedules on domestic support; for example, they failed to notify subsidies under the Aggregate Measurement of Support or the amber box. Developing countries should be allowed to rectify these and similar mistakes.

Market access and safeguards. The market access provisions of the AoA influence the ability of developing countries to protect their domestic markets from excessive volatility in world market conditions or from subsidized production and exports from other countries. (Few developing countries have the administrative capacity to enforce traditional anti-dumping measures or countervailing duties). Although price instability on world markets affects all countries, the consequences can be much greater for the rural population in developing countries. Many of their farmers have difficulty in competing with cheaper imported products in their domestic market, in part because of subsidies used abroad and in part because of the underdeveloped character of local production and marketing. To counter the effects of subsidies and excessive price fluctuations, developing countries need access to a simple WTO-compatible safeguard or contingency measure.[30] A moderate level of border protection may also be desirable for countries that are attempting to develop the full capacity of their agricultural sector, including the agro-processing industry, notably for certain countries where anomalies in the tariff structure have left some basic food commodities and potentially competitive processed products with very low bound tariffs. For such countries it may be desirable to allow some “rebalancing” of their bound tariffs.

The provisions of the AoA also influence the ability of developing countries to gain secure access to the markets of other countries. The requirement of a 15 percent minimum and 36 percent average cut in the agricultural tariffs of developed countries (10 percent and 24 percent, respectively, for developing countries) left many instances of high tariff peaks and tariff escalation. Other distortions and problems in market access include: the complexity of the tariff structure, the low ceilings on TRQs and prohibitive tariffs above those ceilings, lack of transparency in the administration of the TRQs, and eroding and unstable preferential access conditions. If developing countries are to use agricultural exports as a means of supporting agricultural growth and rural development, they need transparent and reliable access to the markets of developed countries and higher-income developing countries.

Export subsidies constitute unfair competition with producers in countries that do not provide such subsidies. They depress prices in the recipient country and in world markets, and displace the produce of more efficient producers. Other forms of export competition, such as export credit subsidies and food aid abuse, can have similarly negative impacts on producers in recipient countries and other potential suppliers. All forms of export competition should be disciplined. This does not negate the important role that genuine food aid can play in recipient countries, particularly in net food-importing developing countries and least developed countries suffering from recurrent food production deficits and other emergencies.

4. Conclusions

The rural development concerns of developing countries, particularly those with large, poor rural populations should be reflected in the structure, framework and long-term objective of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture. They may require special treatment in order to achieve their agricultural, rural development and food security goals, as regards particularly domestic support, border protection, and access to foreign agricultural markets. In addition, special provisions for technical and financial assistance should be incorporated in the Agreement to help these countries build their rural capacities and thereby take full advantage of the new trading opportunities so as to ensure that the implementation of the Agreement does not adversely affect the livelihood of their rural populations.

Table 1. Rural population in developing countries: selected indicators

Country

Total
population
(000s)
2000

Rural
population
as percent
of total
population
2000

Agricultural
population
as percent
of total
population
2000

Percentage
of poor in
rural
population
(latest year
available) a

Rural-
urban
poverty
ratio
(latest year
available)a

WTO Members

Africa

Rwanda

7 733

94

90



Burundi

6 695

91

90



Uganda

21 778

86

79

48

2.96

Malawi

10 925

85

78



Burkina Faso

11 937

82

92

51

3.21

Niger

10 730

79

88

66

1.27

Chad

7 651

76

75

67

1.06

Guinea-Bissau

1 213

76

83



Lesotho

2 153

72

38



Tanzania, United Rep. of

33 517

72

78



Dem. Rep. of Congo

51 654

70

63



Madagascar

15 942

70

74

77

1.64

Mali

11 234

70

81



Gambia

1 305

68

79



Guinea

7 430

67

84



Kenya

30 080

67

75

47

1.62

Togo

4 629

67

60



Angola

12 878

66

72



Zimbabwe

11 669

65

63

63

4.21

Swaziland

1 008

64

34



Sierra Leone

4 854

63

62



Ghana

20 212

62

56

34

1.28

Mozambique

19 680

60

76



Central African Rep.

3 615

59

73



Mauritius

1 158

59

12



Namibia

1 726

59

49



Benin

6 097

58

54



Nigeria

11 1506

56

33

68

1.18

Zambia

9 169

55

69

75

2.2

Egypt

68 470

54

37



Côte d’Ivoire

14 786

53

49



Senegal

9 481

53

74

40

2.46

Cameroon

15 085

51

53

32

0.73

Gabon

1 226

45

38



Morocco

28 351

45

37

18

2.37

Mauritania

2 670

42

53

59

3.10

Congo

2 943

37

41



Tunisia

9 586

34

25

22

2.43

Botswana

1 622

26

44



Djibouti

638

17

79



Asia and the Pacific

Papua New Guinea

4 807

83

77



Solomon Islands

444

80

73



Bangladesh

129 155

79

56

40

2.78

Thailand

61 399

78

49

16

1.52

Sri Lanka

18 827

76

46

38

1.34

India

1 013 662

72

55

34

1.23

Maldives

286

72

27



Myanmar

45 611

72

70



Pakistan

156 483

63

51

37

1.32

Indonesia

212 107

60

44

22

1.24

Fiji

817

58

40



Malaysia

22 244

43

18

19

1.35

Philippines

75 967

41

39

51

2.28

Mongolia

2 662

36

24



Brunei Darussalam

328

28

1



Jordan

4 970

26

12



Oman

2 542

16

36



Korea, Republic of

46 844

14

9



United Arab Emirates

2 441

14

5



Bahrain

617

8

1



Kuwait

1 972

2

1



Singapore

3 567

0

0



Europe and Central Asia

Albania

3 113

61

48



Kyrgyzstan

4 699

60

26



Croatia

4 473

42

8



Romania

22 327

42

16



Georgia

4 968

39

20



Poland

38 765

34

20



Bulgaria

8 225

30

8



Cyprus

786

43

9



Turkey

66 591

25

31



Latin America and the Caribbean

Saint Kitts and Nevis

38

66

24



Haiti

8 222

65

63



Antigua and Barbuda

68

63

24



Saint Lucia

154

62

23



Guyana

861

62

18



Grenada

94

62

23



Guatemala

11 385

60

50

72

2.13

Belize

241

54

31



El Salvador

6 276

53

33



Honduras

6 485

53

35

51

0.72

Barbados

270

50

4



Costa Rica

4 023

48

21



Suriname

417

48

19



Saint Vincent

114

46

24



Paraguay

5 496

44

41

45

6.04

Jamaica

2 583

44

21



Panama

2 856

42

23



Ecuador

12 646

38

28

47

1.88

Nicaragua

5 074

35

22



Bolivia

8 329

35

43

82

2.42

Dominican Rep.

8 495

35

18

30

2.73

Dominica

71

30

24



Peru

25 662

27

30

65

1.45

Trinidad and Tobago

1 295

26

9

20

0.83

Mexico

98 881

26

24



Colombia

42 321

25

21

31

3.9

Cuba

11 201

22

16



Brazil

170 115

19

17

42

3.14

Chile

15 211

15

16

15

2.63

Venezuela

24 170

13

10

73

1.6

Argentina

37 032

11

11



Uruguay

3 337

9

11



Non-WTO members

Africa

Ethiopia

62 565

82

82

46

1.19

Eritrea

3 850

81

78



Somalia

10 097

73

71



Comoros

694

67

74



Sudan

29 490

64

61



Sao Tome and Principe

147

53

64



Liberia

3 154

52

68



Equatorial Guinea

453

52

70



Seychelles

77

42

79



Algeria

31 471

41

24

30

2.06

Cape Verde

428

38

23



Saint Helena

6

33

50



Réunion

699

29

3



Libyan Arab Jam.

5 605

12

6



Western Sahara

293

4

36



Asia and the Pacific

Tokelau

2

100

50



Wallis and Futuna Is.

15

100

33



Bhutan

2 124

93

94



East Timor

885

93

82



Nepal

23 930

88

93

44

1.91

Vanuatu

190

81

37



Viet Nam

79 832

80

67

57

2.11

Afghanistan

22 720

78

67



Samoa

180

78

34



Lao PDR

5 433

77

76

53

2.21

Cambodia

11 168

77

70

40

1.90

Micronesia

119

70

27



China

1 284 958

65

67

17

4.24

Kiribati

83

63

27



Yemen

18 112

62

50

19

1.03

Guam

168

60

29



Tonga

99

54

34



Niue

2

50

50



Tuvalu

12

50

33



American Samoa

68

47

34



Syrian Arab Rep.

16 125

46

28



N Marianas

78

45

27



French Polynesia

235

43

34



Iran, Islamic Rep. of

67 702

38

27



Korea, Dem. People’s Rep. of

24 039

37

30



New Caledonia

214

36

36



Cook Islands

20

35

35



Marshall Islands

64

28

27



Palau

19

26

26



Iraq

23 115

23

10



Saudi Arabia

21 607

14

10



Lebanon

3 282

10

4



Qatar

599

8

1



Gaza Strip

1 120

5

19



Christmas Islands

1

0

0



Cocos Islands

1

0

0



Nauru

12

0

25



Norfolk Islands

2

0

0



Latin America and the Caribbean

Anguilla

8

88

25



Montserrat

11

82

27



Turks Caicos

17

59

24



US Virgin Islands

93

54

23



Br Virgin Islands

21

38

24



Aruba

103

33

23



Puerto Rico

3 869

25

3



French Guiana

181

22

18



Bahamas

307

12

4



Martinique

395

5

4



Guadeloupe

456

0

3



Bermuda

65

0

2



Cayman Islands

38

0

24



Falkland Islands (Malvinas)

2

0

0



Memo item:

Developing countries

4 748 497

60

52



Developed countries

1 306 556

26

8



World

6 055 053

52

43



a Various years, 1979-99. Rural poverty data are not strictly comparable among countries because of methodological and definitional differences. For details see IFAD (2001).

Source: FAOSTAT, (2001). FAO, Rome; and IFAD (2001), Rural Poverty Report 2001: The Challenge of Ending Rural Poverty, Annex Table 2.1.


[20] Based on a paper prepared by R. Pearce and J. Morrison for the FAO Commodities and Trade Division, 2001.
[21] For an elaboration of these issues, see IFAD (2001), Rural Poverty Report 2001: the Challenge of Ending Rural Poverty, Rome.
[22] Among the various directly productive activities in the rural areas, agro-industry ranks second to primary agriculture in importance, and the two sectors are highly interlinked. See, for example, Mellor, John (2001), Reducing Poverty and Buffering Economic Shocks - Agriculture and the Non-Tradeable Economy. First Expert Meeting on the Documentation and Measurement of the Role of Agriculture in Developing Countries, FAO, Rome.
[23] See for example, Datt, G. and Ravallion, M. (1998), Why have some Indian States done better than others at reducing rural poverty?, Economica 65: 17-38, and Timmer, P. (1997), How well do the poor connect to the growth process? CAER II Discussion Paper No. 17. Harvard Institute for International Development (HIID), Cambridge, MA.
[24] IFAD, op.cit.
[25] In 1999 the combined price index of agricultural commodities, deflated by the price index of manufactured exports of developed countries, was one half of the average for 1979-1981, which was about the same as the average for 1970. For tropical beverages and basic food, the decline was steeper. See the report by UNCTAD, World commodity trends and prospects, distributed to the United Nations General Assembly under cover of A/55/332, August 2000, sect. II.
[26] In many industrialized countries income parity between urban and rural populations is an explicit policy goal pursued through direct income transfers, but this is not generally the case in developing countries; indeed, it cannot be since the majority of their people live in rural areas.
[27] Foreign aid has played a major role in almost all success stories of agricultural development. Its role was critical in the Green Revolution, and it has always been a key element in developing and strengthening rural institutions. IFAD, op. cit.
[28] An important lesson of recent policy reforms in developing countries is that market forces alone cannot always drive the rural restructuring process forward. The majority of small to medium producers and rural non-farm families are poorly prepared to either reap the broader benefits of the new reforms or respond to previously unknown competitors.
[29] For a discussion on food security in relation to the WTO Agreement on Agriculture, see the first paper in the present volume, Some issues relating to food security in the context of the WTO Negotiations on Agriculture.
[30] For a discussion of this issue, see the paper in this volume on a Special Agricultural Safeguard.

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