Traditionally, land is owned and controlled by the chief, who can give permission to clear and use new land, usually through the headman. The “Shinganga” -- the African doctor -- decides whether the land is free from evil spirits and suitable for future users.
Not everyone uses formal channels for land allocation. Fishermen sometimes follow the advice of the chairman of the section; often they just build dwellings and start fishing. In Kansungwa fishing and settlement was originally prohibited. When settlement became irreversible the chief Mununga could not thwart it and appointed a nephew to head Kansungwa.
Most of the land near the settlements has been allocated to families (mainly aba-kaya). When children, male and female, want land independently they have access to this land through their families (uncle, mother, father). Abeni can apply for land to the headman and also get access to land by marrying an aba-kaya partner. For abeni who have settled only recently it is much more difficult to get land to build houses and to cultivate in the proximity of the village clusters: land near village clusters is becoming scarce because of high population.
Both in Kasembe and Kafulwe, but more so in Kafulwe, cultivators meet with groups from neighbouring settlements. In Kasembe the headman was forced to “beg” land from a neighbouring chief. In Kafulwe abeni were found to borrow or rent land from those who had already acquired land. Others can only get the land that's far from the village and the lake. This forces them to move to distant areas during peak labour seasons or to settle there permanently. Another constraint is that the land in use becomes exhausted. Aba-kaya have to move further away because of this, or have to use the same plot over and over again (farmers usually move after five years). Both men and women are affected by this problem, but the women even more so: they are more involved in the activity and more dependent on agriculture as a source of food and income.
Women control the land that is allocated to them and cultivated by them. In case the husband contributes labour, he can claim (part of) the produce from that plot, even if it is hers. For many women the cassava on the fields is their wealth which they do not want to lose. For this reason women often prefer to cultivate their plot next to plots on which the husband also works. This way the women have a stronger claim on the produce of that plot and will not lose everything in case of divorce.
Fishing grounds used to be controlled by the chiefs. They had the power to ban fishing activities in certain areas or to allow fishing only on certain occasions. Control of fishing grounds by the Department of Fisheries has not been very effective because they cannot effectively enforce such control. Although both traditional and government authorities are seen as the ones that can and should be in control, fishermen are free to fish where they wish. This can increase fishing pressure in rich fishing grounds such as the mouth of the Kalungwishi river near Kansungwa.
Generally, men have the final authority over the allocation of labour and the movements of household members. Women, however, seem to be much less restricted than elsewhere in the province. Married women suffer more restrictions than single women. Women with young children have so many responsibilities that little time is left for other activities. Access to labour was mentioned by women as one of their major constraints: when they obtain access to labour, they can dig more cassava plots, which are their most important source of wealth. However, only a few women have enough money to hire people for their fields. Men seem prepared to hire labour to replace their own, but not to replace their wives' labour, as was also observed by Allen and Chileva (1986).
Within the household, girls and young boys usually help their mothers. Older boys often work with their father, etc. In female-headed households women are the managers of labour resources. Labour can be hired by either men or women as long as they can pay. Individual men and women hire labour for any activity if they have the means. In general, hiring labour for fishing activities is very common. Hiring labour for agricultural activities seems to be much less common.5
Some of the workers in the fishery are aba-kaya; but most of them come from other areas often fishing areas (Kashikishi, Mununga, Lupiya, etc). They are often supervied by a relative or a worker who has has won their trust. Workers are usually provided with housing by the employer.6
6 Workers' houses surround the owner's house, especially on the beach in Kansungwa.
Men and women obtain funds in different ways for their initial investments in fishery-related activities.
Women begin by selling cassava, fruit or beer (finger millet/maize) or other agriculture-based products. They then buy and sell small amounts of fish, then begin dealing in bigger bags of fish. In course of time, some women manage to become gear and boat owners; this makes access to fish much easier.
Men make a beginning as hired workers in fisheries. With the money earned, they buy fishing gear or set themselves up as traders. As mentioned earlier, some retired officers use their savings or retirement allowances to invest in the fishery business.
Some people are of course supported by relatives.
Although formal credit facilities are available in Nchelenge, very few people in research areas used these facilities—partly because of lack of information, partly because most resource-poor people cannot meet lending policies and requirements (see also section 1.1.2).
Most skills are handed down from one generation to another but the influx of outsiders over the years has increased contact with new ideas and methods. The practices and fishing methods seen today were introduced gradually over time: the salting method; the building and repair of plank boats; the use of big vessels; etc.
Facilities for health eduction, fisheries and agricultural extension are all limited -- as described in section 1.1.2. Only a few cash crop farmers and producers of exotic vegetables have benefited from the agricultural extension worker in their neighbourhood.
The majority of fishing gear owners are men but women-owners are also found. In Kasembe a woman rents out her gear to fishermen (some are her relatives, some not) in exchange for part of the catch. Another woman hires workers to operate the gear for her, with regular sharing arrangements for the catch.
Many boat and net owners employ workers or get their services by special arrangements. A crew that is going out to fish can consist of several types of people. One can be the owner of all the fishing gear, while the other two are workers. All three can be workers while the owner remains on the coast or works in another boat or in another part of the lake. One person can own part of the nets, a second person another part, and the third the boat.
Some sharing arrangements are widely practised. A boat owner who rents out his/her boat usually gets the catch of the day once a week. If a worker takes his own gillnet he pays one day's catch of his nets to the owner of the boat. The chisense fishermen who own gear keep half of the bags for themselves, one share for the operational costs (paraffin, replacement tilley lamps, etc.) and give one share to each worker.
All fishermen opt to be gear-owners. Starting with one tilley lamp they enter into sharing arrangements (‘my nets, your lamps, someone else's boat’) and hope to expand their business and own several boats and nets in course of time.
The demand for nets has increased considerably: more people are requesting more nets -- because catches have gone down. This demand is not met in Zambia because the supply from the Zambian company Nkwazi through their dealer in Kashikishi is not sufficient. Although there are a few individuals trading in nets they only cater to a fraction. Still, fishermen manage to get hold of more nets. The main source of supply in the area is Zaire. Nets bought from Zaire are often imported from China and are bought in two ways: either by going to Zaire and smuggling them home or by buying from Zairean traders coming to the fishing villages.
Payments for the nets are often made in kind — a part of the catch for a long period of time. Although this arrangement does not benefit the fishermen, they go in for it when they are short of cash.
Men and women do control the benefits of their activities to a large extent. As described earlier, they operate separate economies. However, men usually have the ultimate control. To what extent married women take decisions on the benefits of income-generating activities varies considerably from one household to another. Women spend more of their money on essential commodities for the family. Surplus money is often put into expanding agricultural production by hiring piece workers (labour is the major constraint to expansion for women) or it is put into the fish trade. Nearly all women hope to be able to buy nets. Fishermen invest more in replacement of gear, etc. in the first instance. Surplus income -- if it is there -- is not always spent within the fishing communities: abeni based in other regions tend to invest their money in their “home areas”. Aba-kaya do invest in the area. In Kafulwe the following investments were listed in order of priority: more fishing equipment, fish trade, car, shop, farm, good house. Or “Some invest in beer only. Especially town people, they don't understand fishing”.
