J.G. Colvin
Jean G. Colvin is Director, University Research Expeditions Program (UREP), University of California, Berkeley, USA.
An analysis of an ecotourism programme which is independently initiated, operated and fully controlled by an indigenous community.
View of the Capirona tourist facilities
Ecotourism is one of the fastest growing segments of the travel industry today. It is potentially an economic alternative or complement to other land-use options, including logging, oil production or cattle ranching. and can represent an important source of foreign exchange.
Many ecotourist destinations in the developing world are located in wilderness areas inhabited by indigenous populations. The rain forests of Brazil, Ecuador and Peru, for example, are home to peoples who depend on the forest for food, building materials and medicine. For years, indigenous people have been competing for resources with large-scale users. The timber and oil industries as well as pharmaceutical companies looking for new drug sources have been encouraged by governments which are struggling to generate foreign exchange. Ecotourism is one of the newest opportunities for income generation from natural resources.
Ecotourism can mean many things to the local people who inhabit these areas -job opportunities, enormous increases in income and a revival of traditional crafts. But it also can have negative social impacts by causing competition for land and resources as well as a disruption of centuries-old values and traditions as wealthy outsiders visit and thereby influence traditional villages and land-use patterns.
Although there are still many unanswered questions about what constitutes proper management, ecotourism does seem to offer a sustainable economic alternative - the possibility of generating income without destroying the environment. However, for ecotourism to work effectively, local people must be partners in the process and derive genuine economic benefit.
Unfortunately, the burgeoning ecotourism industry shows little evidence of local benefit and almost no local control. In the vast majority of cases, ecotourism programmes are run by large national or international companies operating from the capital cities. In many cases, very little of the money generated even enters the country. Local people are often reduced to taking the menial jobs of housekeepers at tourist lodges, cooks and guides. Although some individuals may benefit, the communities as a whole generally do not.
An example of a programme that does not fit this mould is Capirona, an ecotourism effort completely operated by an indigenous community in Ecuador's Amazon basin. Capirona is a community of 24 Quichua Indian families who inhabit the rain forest in Ecuador's Napo Province.
Traditionally, like most indigenous communities in the area, the inhabitants of Capirona have survived by growing subsistence crops and a few hectares of maize and coffee for sale in the market towns up-river.
In the face of steady increases in the price of seeds and transport, several years ago the community was forced to seek other income-producing activities. Unlike recent immigrants into the area, the people of Capirona did not want to turn to logging. They value the forest highly as a source of everything, from food to medicine, and were concerned that logging, although providing short-term gains, might not be managed in a sustainable manner. In an effort to keep this valuable resource intact, in 1991 the community decided collectively to start a small-scale ecotourism programme.
The idea for the project originated with marquises Tapuy, a young man from the village whose elder brother had been the first president of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE). The younger Tapuy, concerned that too many young people equated economic success with urban jobs, was committed to starting a successful grassroots development project that would benefit and involve all members of the community. Although, initially, many of the villagers were reluctant to invite outsiders to Capirona, one of the factors that convinced them to change their minds was that travel agents from the town were already bringing tourists into their forest with no direct benefit to the community.
Tapuy, his sister Bertha and Cesar Andy, the former village president, persuaded the community that a small-scale, well-planned project could be minimally intrusive, could generate much-needed income and give them control over who visited their forest. Through a series of community meetings, the villagers worked out the details of the programme and plans for the visitor facilities. With a small loan for the purchase of materials from the indigenous federation of Napo Province, FOIN, and money they had earned from selling maize, they purchased the materials to build a visitors' centre.
Although many families in Capirona aspire to live in tin-roofed, cinder-block structures like their local community centre, they recognized the tourists' desire for "authenticity" and built a small tourist lodge and dining area in the traditional grass and bamboo style with a lovely view of the river. Everyone in the village participated in the construction of the tourist facilities which are a short walk from the main village centre.
Visitors with Capirona guide, Tarquino Tapuy, one of the programme originators
From the beginning, it was clear that Capirona would appeal to a special kind of tourist. The community is located on the banks of the River Puni, deep in primary lowland tropical forest in eastern Ecuador. The only access is by foot or dugout canoe when the river is high enough. Visitors are met in the regional capital of Tena and transported to the trail head by truck or bus. From there, they must be able to make the two-hour walk through the forest to the village.
With the help of a German non-governmental organization, Capirona printed flyers about the programme and distributed them in the provincial capital, Tena. The first visitors to Capirona came in groups of two or three -mainly student travellers. In the first year Capirona had fewer than 50 visitors, with a group of four being the largest. Now they are opting for larger groups, arranged in cooperation with study groups from United States universities.
A four- to six-day programme is offered to visitors. Activities include walks in the forest led by guides who recount myths and legends of the forest and explain traditional uses of the vast array of tropical plants and flowers that grow in such profusion; demonstrations of traditional resource use such as basket-making and how to use a blowgun, and participation in the minga, a day when visitors and residents alike share in a communal work project. The minga could be a day clearing the land for planting yucca, constructing a community centre or building a village latrine.
While locally grown maize, yucca and tropical fruits are served to visitors, a large part of the food and supplies must be transported from Tena, several hours up-river by canoe. The community is considering what other food crops could be grown locally to avoid the heavy expense of having to purchase and transport supplies.
The project continues to be a communal effort. Women from different families rotate the responsibility of preparing meals for visitors. Men from the village operate the canoes and act as guides through the forest. Some individuals are responsible for keeping accounts while others monitor supplies. Even the village shaman participates by sharing his special knowledge of the forest, local legends and demonstrating some of the traditional ceremonies. Everyone joins in the farewell party for visitors. Since the programme's emphasis is on cultural exchange, visitors are asked to share something of their culture at the farewell party where traditional Quichua music and dance are offered.
Community members also manage the accounts, determine how much to charge, decide what groups to receive and when and, most important, decide together how to utilize the financial gains. Profits from the project have paid for medical emergencies, provided loans to community members, purchased an outboard motor for the communal canoe and capitalized a small store that sells basic staples to visitors and community members.
A Capirona guide explains the traditional use of plants to a visitor
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Code for the indigenous-sensitive ecotourist Ecotourism programmes take place in lands inhabited by indigenous people. An too often, tour groups visit local villages without the permission of, or direct benefit to, the communities involved. Even if a few individuals receive payment for allowing visitors to enter their homes and to take photographs, there is no benefit to the community at large, a situation which may give rise to intracommunity tension. The following "Code" is based on visitors' guidelines established at Capirona during the 1992 workshop. Before you visit indigenous areas, whether with a tour or independently, consider the following: · Who operates the programme? Is it run by local people? If so, is it operated communally or do only a few individuals or families profit? · If it is not operated by indigenous people, do local communities receive an equitable share of the profits or any other direct benefits, such as training? Or do only a few individuals/families benefit? · Learn as much as you can about the local culture and customs. Visit local indigenous federation offices for information and materials with an indigenous perspective. · Do not take photographs without asking permission. · If you want to give a gift, make it a useful gift to the community rather than to an individual. Most indigenous communities function communally. Gifts for the local school are much appreciated and shared by all. · Refrain from tipping individuals. If you are with a group, everyone can contribute to a gift for the community. · Be aware of the boundaries of individual homes and gardens. Never enter or photograph without permission. · Bring your own water purification tablets. Do not rely on boiling water exclusively as it depletes scarce fuelwood or contributes to forest destruction. · Take out what you take in (especially non-biodegradable items such as plastic water bottles). Use biodegradable soaps. · Be sensitive to those around you. Use headphones with tape/cassette players. · Do not make promises you cannot or will not keep - for example, sending back photographs to local people. · Do not collect plants or plant products without permission. · Wear appropriate and discreet clothing. For example, many cultures are offended by women in shorts even though they may go topless. · Respect local residents' privacy and customs. Treat people with the same respect you would expect from visitors to your own home. |
In the summer of 1992, the community invited a small team from the University of California Research Expeditions Program (UREP) to organize a workshop that would work with the Capirona community to develop long-term management strategies for the project. The community was particularly concerned about practical issues, so a considerable amount of time was devoted to designing a promotional plan and new brochure; a cost-benefit analysis to determine a pricing structure and the ideal group size; a very basic accounting system; written guidelines for guides and visitors; and suggestions for dealing with emergencies and taking reservations. Workshop members also created a self-guiding trail identifying important local plants, their traditional use and the name in Quichua, Spanish, English and Latin. A second workshop in 1993 initiated a forest and floral survey and also produced trilingual (Quichua, Spanish, English) informational displays for visitors on Quichua history, culture, traditional resource use and the political organization of Ecuador's indigenous groups. Similar displays were created for a regional office in Tena.
Other income-generating activities related to the ecotourism programme were discussed, such as selling locally made crafts, postcards and a biodegradable soap made from a local plant. There was general agreement that the community could not rely on ecotourism alone, but ought to consider other economic alternatives. Some of the possibilities discussed included raising chickens for visitors' meals and selling the surplus in town, establishing Capirona as a guide training centre for the region; and cultivating cacao, natural pesticides or other forest products for sale in Tena.
The workshop in August 1993 further developed some of these ideas, evaluated progress to date, produced a bilingual educational display and began a comprehensive forest survey. The workshop discussions raised many issues about the environmental impact of having visitors. For example, the river is currently used by villagers and visitors both as a water source and for washing and bathing. This situation poses potential problems of river water contamination.
A second challenge was the increasing need to cut wood to sustain the fires that are built several times daily to purify drinking water for visitors. Although the community is now using gas canisters for fuel to boil water, there are questions about the long-term sustainability of this option'. Food was another issue. Locally grown fruits and vegetables comprise the major part of the meals offered to visitors, although supplementary food is purchased and transported from Tena. Given the costs and problems of transport, increasing numbers of visitors may result in clearing more land to produce enough crops to sustain the ecotourism programme. Waste disposal was another consideration in terms of having many visitors over an extended period. The limits needed to safeguard the conservation of the natural resources on which the community depends are still to be determined.
There are also issues of privacy as well as safety. The hard-core ecotourist wants to visit the forest, experience its solitude and wander its paths freely. Yet the forest has many risks for the inexperienced visitor and a guide is necessary for both information and safety. Many ecotourists also want to visit traditional homes and experience a different culture. Yet the Quichua Indians are a private people who are not used to outsiders, much less Westerners. A balance must be established which sets limits on visitors while not making them feel confined or too controlled. The participation of two Native American students (Hopi and Navajo) in the workshops provided an added level of cultural exchange. They shared valuable information on how the Hopi and Navajo have attempted to balance these conflicting interests within their own communities.
Visitors and villagers join in a minga to collect maize
The visitors' hut at Capirona has candle lighting, while generators are used for village functions. This dichotomy typifies one of the most serious issues arising from the project: the issue of cultural authenticity. Should the villagers continue to live in traditional huts or wear traditional dress in order to maintain the appearance of "authenticity" to please visitors? Just how far should the community go to accommodate the visitors' desires without compromising their own integrity? Is their traditional culture enhanced by the tourists' interest?
Some claim that tourism revives and maintains traditions that would otherwise be lost, be they traditional dances, ceremonies or crafts. Conversely, maintaining the aura of traditions such as candies for the tourists when the local people want and use lights from generators is unauthentic, because indigenous people are now, and have always been, changing. They do wear Western clothes, many attend school, and all are involved in the struggle to maintain authority over their traditional lands in the face of encroachments ranging from colonists to oil companies. In fact, the future of Capirona's model programme has recently been threatened by the visit of seismic teams from the national oil company exploring for oil in the region. The community adamantly protested this incursion into their lands and, at least for now, the exploratory efforts have ceased.
The enthusiasm of the representatives from nearby villages for starting their own ecotourism projects also made it clear that a regional plan is necessary. For indigenous ecotourist programmes to compete successfully with established four operators, there needs to be a regional plan and policies governing relations with outside travel agents. The market for this specialized segment of the ecotourism industry is limited. So developing programmes with different emphases is crucial to avoid saturating the market. For example, some villages may specialize in taking in bird watchers, others might focus on cultural activities while still others might serve as regional research, education or training centres for local and foreign scientists and students. An indigenous ecotourism network is currently being developed, in conjunction with the regional indigenous federation, to coordinate these activities.
There is growing interest in ecotourism among Ecuador's indigenous peoples. Recently, 23 communities organized a formal ecotourism network under the sponsorship of the provincial indigenous federation, FOIN. So far, only two communities apart from Capirona are accepting visitors, but others are actively preparing to do so. In August 1994, 19 communities of the Shuar ethnic group in Pastaza Province agreed to begin their own ecotourism programmes. The national Amazon Indian federation, CONFENIAE, now has a permanent ecotourism staff position.
Although the country's ecotourism programmes are still predominantly run by large national and international companies without indigenous representation, the situation is beginning to change. The government tourism agency, CETUR, has formed a commission charged with developing tourism in Amazonia in cooperation with indigenous federations.
Much of the current interest in ecotourism among indigenous groups stems from a fear of oil development in the region. Serious contamination of rivers and soils in other parts of Ecuador has galvanized most indigenous federations against oil exploitation. However. the government is still actively exploring for oil in Amazonia. Capirona and many other indigenous communities are located within the prospective sites and have already had conflicts with oil exploration teams.
Ecotourism as a conservation strategy is not a panacea. The travel industry is a fragile business. The place that is "in" this year is out of fashion the next. But, even more important for ecotourist sites, whose very remoteness, pristine nature and wildness make them attractive, is the threat of too much success. Ecotourism will not work for every forest. There must be a diversification of sustainable activities. And where local people are involved they must participate fully and gain equitable benefits.
