Inland fisheries, both riverine and lacustrine, provide a major source of food and employment for millions of individuals living in developing areas of the world. In 1980, fish harvested from inland waters, as opposed to marine environments, accounted for over ten percent of the total nominal world yield of 72,000,000 metric tons of fish. In several developing regions of the world, most notably West and Central Africa, South Asia, the Amazon, and parts of Southeast Asia, fish from inland waters account for up to 35 percent of the total national fish harvest (FAO, 1980).
In Africa, a large proportion of the inland fisheries are located along the shores of lakes, but the continent's vast river system supports many fisheries as well, producing an estimated 0.7 million tons of fish in 1975, about one-half the total catch from inland waters (Welcomme 1979:219). In certain of Africa's landlocked nations, lake and riverine fisheries may provide over 50 percent of all the animal protein consumed by the people. Zambia is a case in point. During the late 1970s annual yields totaled approximately 50,000 metric tons versus 21,000 mt. of poultry, 16,000 mt. of beef, and 3,000 mt. of pork (Armstrong, 1978 as quoted by Hayward, 1981a). Caught primarily by small-scale fishermen, fish was the preferred protein source of many low income people, for whom dried fish had the advantage of not requiring refrigeration.
Elsewhere in the developing world, especially Brazil and India, the contribution of riverine fisheries to the total national catch from inland waters is also significant. In India of the total annual production in the early 1970's of 2.0 million tons of fish, 0.75 tons were from inland sources, with about one-half coming from aquaculture and the remainder from the country's extensive river system (Jhingran and Tripathi, 1977).
Because inland fisheries often supply only the domestic market and contribute little to the export economy of most developing nations, and because the quantity of fish harvested is often overshadowed by that of marine fisheries, riverine fisheries are often given low priority by national governments. Likewise, though there is a wealth of material on fishing peoples living in marine environments, relatively few social scientists have been concerned with the problems and potential for development of riverine fisheries.
The lack of research materials on inland fisheries is unfortunate given the critical nature of the resource. Riverine fisheries make available an important source of high quality protein in areas that otherwise would suffer from serious nutritional deficiencies. According to Henderson, “Subsistence fishing apparently plays a particularly important role in providing animal protein for rural populations in West Africa (more locally in East Africa) and the Amazon Basin. The 19 household survey carried out by Mefit Babtie in the Southern Sudan is particularly instructive. It indicated that some 40 000 tons of fish per year are taken by subsistence, part-time … fisheries, all consumed locally or at least within Southern Sudan” (1984 written communication). According to Sundstrom (1972:156), the physical condition of riverine people in the inland delta of the Niger “is judged to be good at least in comparison with inland populations. There is no reference to the otherwise frequent diseases of malnutrition such as kwashiorkor.” In Brazil, Goulding notes that although poverty is high in Manaus (soon to reach one million people in size), “per capita daily protein intake was more than satisfactory and mostly because of a relatively cheap supply of fish from the region” (1980:253). Such cases suggest that the total quantity of fish caught by riverine fishing communities may be seriously underestimated along with the contribution of that fish to local diets.
It is also probable that the number of people fishing on both a full and part-time basis and the spread effects of their activities are also seriously underestimated, especially as traditional fisheries become increasingly commercialized. Also underestimated is the economic importance of fishing both as a mechanism for supporting the very poor and for enabling a minority of fisherfolk to diversify into more lucrative activities.
Assessments of who the rural poor are often include fisherfolk. Referring to a 1973 study, for example, van Heck (1979) notes that most fishermen in Egypt “live under ‘inhuman conditions.’” while Jhingran and Tripathi note that inland fisherfolk in India are very poor and have a very low socioeconomic status (1977:48–50). The numbers involved increase during recessions, with many of the newly unemployed leaving rural and urban areas alike for riverine and lacustrine fisheries where at least they are able to survive. The capacity of riverine fisheries to absorb the unemployed, as is currently the case in Zambia, or the drought-stricken, as in Mali, serves an important “safety valve” function, although the numbers of people involved and the increased use of such illegal techniques as dynamite (in parts of Nepal, frequent use of dynamite has virtually eliminated fish in certain stretches of river) and very small mesh nets pose a potential threat to the resource base.
Especially during the early years of commercialization, when catch per unit effort is high across the fishery, fisheries' savings can also catalyze a process of broader area development. While this is especially the case for those fishing manmade reservoirs shortly after their formation (as was the case with Lakes Kariba and Volta in Africa), there are other examples from both riverine and lagoon habitats (Kapetsky, 1981:31). After the “seventeen year” civil war in the Sudan, for example, destitute Nuer became fishermen not just to survive but to obtain capital for rebuilding their herds of cattle. When the senior author traveled in 1979 along the proposed route for the Jonglei Canal the most important source of capital for small community stores and other businesses was fishing. On a larger scale, profits from the Kariba Lake fisheries between 1959 and 1964 were the most important source of capital for development in agriculture and commerce during the next ten years.
The “boom years” of the Kariba fisheries also played the major role in drawing the population of adjacent villages, and especially women, into a market economy. This was a major spread effect of the fishery, with women coming to the fish camps to sell and exchange agricultural produce and to brew beer. Some of these women subsequently became fish traders and fish retailers, the fish trade being a major source of employment for low income people throughout Africa, Asia and the Middle East where literally thousands of traders provide a reasonably efficient and essential service. Although we are aware of no studies of the proportion of small-scale traders to fishermen in various inland fisheries, in some cases it appears to be as high as one trader for every two fishermen landing fish. Such might be the case with bicycle traders serving smallscale inland fisheries in Sri Lanka, although the proportion would be much less where traders have pickup trucks and lorries. Other spread effects include employment for manufacturing and repairing boats and other gear, and for government fisheries personnel.
