0327-A3
Klaus Seeland 1
This paper reflects implications of the findings of a project doing research on indigenous knowledge of forests and trees among various forest-dwelling ethnic groups2 of Orissa in Eastern India over the last decade. It primarily focuses on that of the Kuttia Kondh and discusses mainly the uniqueness and epistemology of local perceptions and knowledge of nature in the shape of trees and forest. The meaning, use and classification of trees and forests give insights into the Kuttia Kondh world view and are key issues to understand their culture.
The Orissa research project on indigenous knowledge of forests and forest use did not start with a clear preconceived definition of its research objectives. Our investigations in the forests of Eastern India did not begin with a positivistic social science research approach, but with a fundamental ontological approach and hermeneutic methodology. It was assumed that in the wake of the research process, the findings would reveal relevant topics from an emic perspective, and thus focus the research on them from within, i.e. disclose meaningful aspects of forest livelihood from the point of view of Kuttia Kondh culture. Trees and forests, it was presumed, would reveal themselves as cultural phenomena, and not as singular isolated objects in a narrow "technical sense" of the term (Ingold, 1992). It was assumed that this would be an opportunity to grasp the fabric of their forest culture. It was furthermore assumed that forest use and management by people who have always been, and still are, dependent on forests interpret their environment and formulate their own ideas of social development related to this background (Seeland, 1997).
Another objective of this research was to gain an insight into the local forest dwellers' perceptions of what is called nature in Western discourse, what forest and forest management mean to them, what their ideas of a good life are, and what, if any, are their notions of sustainability as they live through a transitional phase of being integrated into a national policy of resource use. In principle, their whole world was subject to enquiry. All spheres of social life were methodologically imagined to fall within the orbit of local forest culture. Contexts which are similar or share connections through metaphoric language or symbols representing certain plants, animals, natural or social phenomena were taken as representations of Kuttia Kondh culture (Jena et al. forthcoming).
The research team tried to avoid to break down these complex contexts and analysing single and isolated phenomena, such as in the sphere of mere botanical knowledge it would conceal what the research project was actually aiming to disclose. Various phenomena are related to each other, for instance, using the same term for a plant, a human being, an animal, a part of the landscape and so on. The Kuttia Kondh define a forest as an area of land composed of various species of plants, large and small trees including shrubs, bushes and creepers, and inhabited by a variety of fauna. They divide the forest into three categories: Earth (Tana), Over Earth (Tana Kueti), and Under Earth (Tana Daeti), of which plants only occupy earth, while animals occupy all three places. It is thought that even though plants survive only on "earth", their roots touch the "under earth" and their shoots graze the "over earth" (the sky), thereby providing shelter to each animal living in the three affiliations. The Kuttia Kondh distinguish between five different types of forest: kambani, bati, umda and tuleni, and an area of forest where all four types are present is known as katani. The distinction of these types is based largely on the vegetation, dominant tree species and geographical location of the forest as well as their spiritual place in the Kuttia cosmology.
Kambani (forest)
Kambani refers to a particular type of forest. It consists of certain tree species such as Shorea robusta, Pterocarpus marsupium, Lagerstroemia spp., Bombax ceiba, Eugenia jambolana, Mangifera indica, Ficus benghalensis and Ficus religiosa, among others, that together form a common tree-top canopy. These species are usually naturally dominant in this area. The kambani is devoid of undergrowth and shrubs, instead it is the favoured environment of creepers such as Bauhinia vahlii and Acacia pinnata and also of the wild grass called babe (Eulaliopsis binata). The fauna of the kambani includes the sambar (maju), tiger (kdani), bear (ali), elephant (hati), wild boar (braha), four horned antelope (kateri) and fowl (kambat kaju). Burrowing animals are seldom found in this type of forest.
The creation myth (Kui Gaani) says that the trees of the kambani were used to prop up the sky, thereby creating a space between sky and earth which sheltered the people who had just emerged from Sapangada, the mythic hole in the earth from which all life emerged. The myth goes on to say that the people feared the trees would obscure the rays of the sun, which was the primary source of life on earth. People were also afraid that the sky would fall back through the trees and become one with the earth again. Nerandali (the supreme goddess) too, feared that the creepers on the tops of the trees could pull the separated sky back to earth. Nerandali's attempt to check the growth of the trees by creating some birds was not enough, so she created squirrels and white ants, as the former destroy the shoots and buds of the tree tops and the latter infest the over-grown roots of the trees. This finally prevented the trees from growing any taller. The Kuttia Kondh therefore consider these animals to be the designers of the kambani. These events took place near Sapangada where, according to the world view of this adivasi group, the first forest, known as sati kambani, was created with Nerandali's help.
The type of natural vegetation growing on the hilltops has a particular significance for the Kuttia Kondh. They regard their hill god (Soru penu) solely responsible for the distribution of such vegetation. They believe that the god of the forest, usually named after the hill, decides on the type of tree species that will grow there according to the locality. It is claimed that he favours the tall trees on a hilltop as it is his abode because it provides an excellent vantage point for observing the lives of the villagers living at the foot of the hill and from where he can also enjoy the first touch of the virgin rain. He uses the network of tree creepers to move from place to place inside the forest, to meet the other penus and discuss the welfare of the Kuttia Kondh. He allows the growth of the grass at the base of the trees to make the forest floor softer so that divine beings can roam around freely.
Bati
The term bati has several meanings. On the one hand, bati is the most common name for the forest, yet the term also refers to bushy vegetation, including undergrowth, shrubs, creepers and herbs that lies between the foot hills and hill slope areas, and which the Kuttia Kondh consider to be forest in its primary state. They also maintain that the spreading branches of the trees (kena) inside the bati, provide space for small plants to flourish (ningine). Their perception of the bati is that its vegetation grows quickly in soft soil (dea vira) that has a plentiful water supply, (greater than the kambani as its rainfall is supplemented by run-off water from the hill top). The fertility of the bati is also enhanced by the many fast growing species which, after atrophy, add to the fertility of the soil.
The enormously varied fauna inside the bati includes snake (rachu) such as the python (masi); monitor lizard (boda), porcupine (saju), pangolin (jerandi), many different varieties of bird, jungle fowl, peacock, rabbit, deer, (kateri) and the occasional bear. The Kuttia Kondh believe that the larger snakes favour the coolness of the bati. The snakes feed on mice and poultry. The pangolin and porcupine are known to create under-ground burrows.
Umda (grove)
This term is used to describe a patch of forest surrounded by rocky or barren land. Umda is commonly found on hilltops noted for their rocky, stony ground. The vegetation in such surroundings generally comprises of Ficus benghalensis, Ficus religiosa and Ficus scandens, (which are naturally dominant) along with Terminalia tomentosa, Buchanania lanzan, Shorea robusta, Pterocarpus marsupium and Acacia pinnata. The term umda, however, is not restricted to this particular territory. Other small forests which are to be found in non-rocky areas consisting of a wide variety of small trees and plant species (ladenga) at the centre of an open space are also called umda.
Tuleni (burial ground)
The term tuleni denotes an area of forest used by the Kuttia Kondh as a burial ground. A remote patch of land is chosen as a suitable site, in the belief that the spirits of the dead roaming the tuleni may be malevolent or benevolent and that any form of human interference should be limited. As a result, visitors to the tuleni are rare. Among the different plant species growing here, the sal tree (Shorea robusta) is given special status as it is believed to be the abode of the Dukeli penu (god of ancestral spirits), the god most closely associated with the tuleni. Owing to the fact that firewood collection, tree felling and the harvesting of resins and edible products such as mushrooms, tubers, and herbs, are activities that have traditionally been, and still are, prohibited within these areas, the Sal trees have remained virtually undisturbed. The dead are considered to be forest-dwellers (kambanate) and to take anything from the tuleni is synonymous with depriving the ancestral spirits of the food on which they subsist. The Kuttia Kondh are aware that so much as picking a leaf or snapping a twig inside the tuleni is taboo There are three exceptions to this general rule. First of all, certain medicinal plants, that are considered highly effective remedies for particular diseases, are rarely collected in the tuleni except by the medicine man (Kutaka), who, if permitted by the Dukeli penu, can use certain herbs and roots. Secondly, the funeral rites conducted by the village priest (Jani) involve breaking a brush-stick to offer to the dead person; then, taking permission from the dead person's spirit, others can break brush-sticks. Thirdly, the wood used for cremation purposes is collected inside the tuleni because wood from other areas is forbidden inside the tuleni. These taboos are believed to have existed since the times of the earliest settlements and gradually certain myths evolved around these lone virgin patches of the wilderness. The fear felt by the Kuttia Kondh has ensured that such restrictions are upheld, which in turn guarantees the preservation of vegetation inside the tuleni.
The villagers rarely move the location of the tuleni, for they believe that by doing so they disturb the spirits of their ancestors. The few circumstance that force them to abandon a site include an outbreak of a plant disease, the spread of certain parasite creepers (Gachchi), and forest fire (to which the sal species is especially susceptible). The leasing of forest patches by government departments to outsiders is also another reason for their abandonment of the tuleni. The Kuttia Kondh are required to ask the permission from the Dukeli penu before deserting the site. The tuleni is not associated with any particular location, though it must be situated on hills or in forest and kept at a reasonable distance from the settlement.
Katani (hill forest)
In Kui, the language of the Kuttia Kondh, the term `wild' (boti ne ajine) has a number of definitions in relation to a description of the forest, although in general, the greater the growth of vegetation and the presence of animals, the wilder the forest. According to the Kuttia Kondh's definition of a particularly wild forest is a place where the dense concentration of trees prevents the penetration of sunlight (ujada). They also believe that trees compete among themselves as to who can grow closest to the sky (wani). The term Katani means also `wild', and here it refers to wild vegetation, rather than to the presence of certain species of plants or animals. The Katani is a `four storied forest'. The ground cover consists of wild grass (randa) and herbs. The second storey comprises of bushes, while the bati and the kambani are the third and fourth floors respectively.
There is an inherent quality in the "forest world" of the Kuttia Kondh that makes it meaningful as it is pre-defined by tradition. Knowledge of forests is preconceived in a way that it is not an interaction between anonymous entities but a response to what has been defined by the Kuttia Kondhs' ancestors, mythology or supernatural powers. Their knowledge of trees and of forests shows in its principles of classification that it does not necessarily contradict scientific botanical knowledge although sometimes various plants that look quite similar are summarised under one denomination. And vice versa, plants that grow in different locations or are at a different stage of growth get their own distinct denominations.
The Kuttia Kondh's relation to the forest is rooted in multiple origins and an inter-relationship with the landscape, or with nature in general. In this context the question of `origin' becomes meaningful. The inter-relationship between the Kuttia Kondh and the forest prepares the ground for the existence of a tree as an interdependent being. This relationship is called satotanja. Satotanja exemplifies a `manner of being present' that is in accordance with the space from where the `manner' itself comes into being. Thus satotanja is the mode of the Kuttia Kondh's self-perception. Sapangada preserves a memory of the beginning that has three aspects; namely, the opening-up of a possibility, the knowledge of the original work and the beginning of a settlement. The continuity of the origin and possibility is manifested in Kuttia Kondh wisdom and the development of knowledge. The dynamics of knowledge (edu itere, budhi itere) is the basis of their cultural and moral values. Knowledge is a reflection of their understanding and perception of their living space, and the living space is a part of the original knowledge of the Universe.
Knowledge may be called indigenous if it originates from, and is bound to local experiences, taking its local world not perhaps as the only one, but as the most relevant of all they know. Indigenous knowledge is human life-experience in a distinct natural and cultural amalgamation within a unique local and timely setting. It is an authentic appropriation of being, meaning that this very process happens exclusively in a given locality at a given time. The Kuttia Kondh have detailed knowledge of the whereabouts of plant and animal species in the forest and maintain that they are the protectors of these species. The clearing of forests for shifting cultivation is a community effort and largely organised by co-operative forms of labour. The practice is therefore an edifice on which the community structure revolves; the practice gives people a sense of belonging to the community. There are two reasons why they prefer to cultivate in the forest: firstly, they regard forest lands as being more productive for subsistent, self-contained communities than any other type of land; and secondly, forest lands are in the vicinity of their habitat, and are there for all to cultivate. They associate the forest not only with their economic survival, but also with their emotional needs and the social equity it provides.
We assume that the extent to which, what may be called "knowledge of forests", is perceived as globally relevant to all cultures and societies, varies in scope and depth. Different world-views and traditions at different stages of economic and technological development reflect what "forest" and "knowledge of forests" means to members of any culture. The knowledge is more than technical, i.e. botanical knowledge, hunting skills, a know-how of wood harvesting or the use of non-timber products; it applies to more than the knowledge of disciplines which are usually summarised under the label of forest sciences. It demands an applied social science approach. It was intended to overcome the artificial making of indigenous or local knowledge by avoiding objective-oriented research strategies. The risk of constructing, deconstructing, or re-inventing local knowledge, because it has become a development research topic was thus tried to be avoided. Which phenomena, if any, can be classified as indigenous is itself a disputed issue. We have tried to avoid the solipsism of taking every finding as indigenous, and take seriously the danger of producing research artefacts. Indigenous knowledge is, as far as we could see from our research in Orissa, ultimately loyal to spiritual values and the social cohesion within the adivasi village community.
Ingold, T. 1992. Culture and the perception of the environment. In Bush base: Forest farm - culture, environment and development. (eds.) E. Croll & D. Parkin. London: Routledge. 39-56.
Jena, M.K. / P. Pathi / S. Behera / K. Seeland (forthcoming). Forest Tribes of Orissa vol. 2: the Kuttia Kondh. New Delhi: D.K. Printworld.
Seeland, K. 1997. Indigenous knowledge of trees and forests in non-European societies. In Nature is culture. Indigenous knowledge and socio-cultural aspects of trees and forests in non-European cultures. (ed.) K. Seeland. London: IT Publications. 101-112.
Acknowledgement: This research was kindly supported by a grant from the Ministry of Economic Cooperation, Federal Republic of Germany through the Tropical Forest Research Programme with the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ). For co-operation in field research I am much indebted to Padmini Pathi and Mihir K. Jena.
1 Chair of Forest Policy and Forest Economics, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zurich, Switzerland.
2 The appropriate term widely used in India is "adivasi", meaning "the first who settled in that place".