3.1: Introduction
3.2: The study site
3.3: Lacquerware and lac-turnery defined
3.4: Lac-turnery, the materials and the process
3.5: Historical development of the industry
3.6: The lacquerware industry today
3.7: Institutional involvement in production
3.8: Women's participation in lac-turnery
3.9: Constraints and issues for women in lac-turnery today
3.10: The impact of mechanization on women
This case study looks at changes in a local crafts enterprise which, until recently, supplied a local market with toys and small wooden artifacts made on hand powered lathes. The products are called lacquerware because lacquer is applied to the exterior. Lac-turnery, the art of turning the wood on the lathe, is practiced by scheduled caste Hindu women in rural villages and Muslim women in semi-urban areas.
Transition to a booming export market with the concomitant introduction of the electric lathe, has resulted in a complete change in the kind of products manufactured, the skills required and the type of production, which has shifted from a household to a factory base. This industrialization and its effect on women, who once played an active role in this FBSSE, are examined. Institutional training, substitution of products, the adoption of technology, the changing roles of Hindu and Muslim women and the reaction of men within the FBSSE are major issues in this case study.
The study site is located in the Channapatna Taluka which is in Bangalore district in the southern Indian state of Karnataka. A great number of the artisans engaged in lacquerware production are located around Channapatna town, the headquarters of the taluka, which lies on the main arterial highway between the cities of Bangalore and Mysore (see map in Figure 1). This study focuses on three settlements: an Adi Kannada (scheduled caste) colony in Yelakeri, a Muslim township called Makhan, and the Karnataka Handicrafts Development Corporation's Lacquerware Production Complex in Channapatna itself.
Eight villages and six urban settlements in Channapatna and two villages in Ramnagaram Taluka were identified as centers for lac-turnery. The research team visited 12 out of the 16 sites, interviewing a minimum of three female and three male artisans at each site to assess the extent of female participation.
In-depth interviews and micro-studies were conducted with selected female artisans to try to understand their perceptions of the lacquerware industry and elicit information on their social and economic status, their capacity to work on power lathes, the training that was required to operate power lathes, the access to that training and the women's skills in lac-turnery and artwork.
Lacquerware refers to a wide variety of lacquered wooden items which are prepared through the process of lac-turnery, an indigenous traditional handicraft practiced in and around the town of Channapatna. Lac-turnery involves several independent steps. The soft wood of the hale tree (Wrightia tinctoria) is first turned into circular shapes by the dexterous use of hand or power lathes and suitable cutting tools. The turned wooden items are then lacquered in a dry state by means of frictional heat. Painted lac deposits itself on the turned wood and gives it a bright and colorful appearance. To finish the process, the lacquered piece is buffed with the leaves of the talegiri (Pandanus odoratissimus). Sometimes, delicate art work is applied over the lacquer.
This industry is also known as the “toy industry of Channapatna” because, in the beginning of the 20th century the craft was restricted to the production of a few small toys and dolls. Today, lacquerware production has diversified in response to changing markets. It now includes jewelry, decorative pieces, household utility articles and educational articles such as skipping rope handles, chess sets, pen holders, paper weights and rubber stamp holders. Certain items, particularly jewelry such as bangles, necklaces and earrings are made for export to the Unites States, West Germany, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Italy.
Lac-turnery is a unique carpentry-related FBSSEs in Karnataka; many women who are involved in the craft are specialized producers of small toys and educational materials for the local market. Increasing commercialization, new technology and product substitution is however, changing the nature of the craft and women are being displaced as a result.
Raw materials
Tools
The production process
The production of lacquerware through the lac-turnery process involves both natural and synthetic materials. The industry is therefore totally dependent on forests for the primary raw materials. These forest-based products are the wood of the hale (Wrightia tinctoria) tree, lac produced by the insect Technadria lacca and the leaves of the talegiri (Pandanus odoratissimus). Synthetic materials include paints and pigments.
Hale wood is the basic raw material of lac-turnery. It is extremely close grained, moderately hard and easily turned into fine shapes by hand or machine. It has a very low moisture and oil content. The latter helps ensure an excellent finish and translucency after polishing. Hale is an indigenous tree found in the forests and on village wastelands in Channapatna, Ramnagaram, Mysore, Shimoga, Chickmagalur, Hassan and Coorg in the state of Karnataka. Although hale is, without exception, the preferred species for lac-turnery, artisans will work with yellow teak (Adina cordifolia), silver oak (Grevillea robusta), ebony, rakthchandana, red wood (lal agar), blackwood (kale agar) rose wood (Dalbergia latifolia), grey wood, red cedar and pine (Pinus sp).
Hale is classified by the forest department as a timber tree. The government rate for hale wood is Rs 1200 ton but private suppliers will sell it for Rs 900/ton. It is usually purchased in 10 kg billets for Rs 12.
Lac is an encrustation produced by the insect Technadria lacca. It is found on a number of forest trees, particularly kusum (Schleichera oleosa). Currently, it is collected in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. In the nineteenth century lac was plentiful in Karnataka. This is no longer the case and supplies are imported mostly from Madhya Pradesh. Three different varieties of lac are used in the lac-turnery process. The highest quality lac is referred to as button lac. It is light and golden coloured and can cost up to Rs 120/kg. The second is a medium brown colour and sells for Rs 80/kg. The third, poorest quality lac is dark black and sells for Rs 60/kg.
Talegiri (Pandanus odoratissimus) is also known as screw pine. This palm-like evergreen tree has bunches of long thick leaves and can be either densely branched or have a clear bole of up to 6 m in height. Found on the coast and along banks of rivers, canals, fields and ponds, the screw pine often has aerial roots. The leaf is an important accessory in lacquerware production. Used for polishing, it imparts a translucence to the finish. Bundles of 100 leaves cost Rs 20.
A number of synthetic substances are used for colouring the finished products. These include lithophone, a compound of barium sulphate and zinc sulphide which is a white pigment that enables lac to lose its transparency and become opaque. Lithophane is imported from Czechoslovakia and Germany, and costs around Rs 50/kg locally. Equally important are aniline colours which are used to prepare lac sticks. The following basic colours are used: rhodamine (rose), auromine (yellow), diamond green, purple, violet and red. Finally poster colours and enamel paints are used to draw decorations and scenery onto the lac finish.
Sand paper must also be purchased. Clear varnish is used to give a finish to the final product.
The most important tool for lac-turnery is the lathe. Traditionally all lacquerware was produced using simple hand lathes called patris made by local carpenters. A bow string is used to turn a rotating axle in the center of wooden lathe. The turning tool is held in the free hand and pressure is added with the foot, shaping the spinning wood. The advantage of the patri, which continues to be used by many craftspeople, is its simple construction and ease of operation. As a hand powered tool it can be used without electricity in village households.
With the increasing market for lacquerware the electric power lathe has been introduced. A power lathe has a head stock that consists of a revolving axle attached to two belt pulleys. The belt runs over a pulley mounted on a revolving shaft that is driven by an electric motor. The production time decreases considerably on the power lathe as both hands are free to operate turning tools. Power lathes are more often located in small factory settings, where there is electricity.
A variety of cutting tools are used to shape the turning wood including chisels, gauges and snappers. Hand saws and axes are used to prepare the wood to be turned.
The production of lacquerware involves a series of steps, all of which can be accomplished in a household workshop. Before wood can be turned on the lathe both wood and lac must be prepared.
The preparation of lacquer from lac begins with heating and softening. Lac is stuck on to the ends of two identical wooden sticks which are heated until the lac becomes plastic and malleable. The heating process is repeated occasionally to maintain plasticity. A specific amount of lithophone is then added to the softened lac and is beaten continuously until a white tint appears. A small portion of powdered dye is mixed with a bit of water and this is added to the warm white lac. The mixture is then beaten again until the correct shade evolves. The lac then begins to assume the consistency of rubber. It is reheated, and before solidifying it is removed from the splinters by hand. A long thin stick of coloured lacquer 0.5 cm thick and 3 cm wide is shaped and cut into 15-20 cm lengths. Four or five sticks of one colour are prepared at a time. These sticks have a shelf life of only one month before they become hard and unfit for lacquering.
The preparation of hale wood for lac-turnery begins with seasoning. Logs are cut into small billets and stored away from heat and sunlight in a location with good air circulation for ten days to a month, depending on the moisture content of the wood.
The edges of the seasoned billets are then chiselled and superfluous wood is removed until a cylinder is formed. The wood is now ready to be turned on a lathe.
Cutting tools are applied to the revolving piece of wood so that thin continuous chips are scraped off. Skilled craftspeople are able remove uniform, thin layers of wood to create desired shapes. Once the desired shape is formed, it is sanded with sandpaper while it is still turning, until the surface is smooth and uniform.
At this stage the article is ready to be lacquered. The quality of the final product depends on the skill with which lacquer is applied to the turning wood. A lac stick of the chosen colour is pressed to the revolving wood. The friction causes the lac to melt and spread uniformly over the area on which it is applied. Final finishing is done using a screw pine leaf to help spread the lac on the turning wood and polish the object. Buffing lends a translucency to the finished product. The lacquered article is separated with a cutting tool and removed from the lathe. At this point, some articles are further ornamented with paint.
The variety of products is exhaustive. Table 4 lists a few of the articles produced.
Table 4 - Items produced by lac-turnery
|
Decorative & utility items: flower vases Toys: spinning tops Sports, games and educational aids: skipping rope handles Jewelry: bangles |
SOURCE: ISST 1987
The lacquerware industry began as a household craft that catered to the local tourist market of Karnataka. Many artisans sold their wares on the roadside at Channapatna and productivity was low. In the last twenty years, the industry has grown rapidly. It now exists as small and medium scale enterprises, serving a large export market. Due to the phenomenal growth and the influence of market forces from abroad, the nature of employment, the demands on artisans and the character of the artisans has changed dramatically.
As early as 1892, hereditary artists called “Chitragars” were engaged in wood-turnery which is the basis of lacquerware artistry. Bavasmia, a local artist, is known as the originator of the craft in Channapatna and nearby areas. He went to study lacquerware in the northwestern state of Punjab. After a period of experimentation, he introduced study of the craft at the Industrial School in Channapatna. Bavasmia also mechanized the craft through the power lathe.
Though Bavasmia introduced lac-turnery to encourage the Chitragar, their response was hesitant, so admission was opened to students of other castes and religions. Bavasmia convinced Muslims and scheduled caste members to join the course; even today, the majority of Channapatna craftspeople belong to these communities.
Changing markets and changing products
Classifications within the industry
Markets for lacquerware products are changing dramatically. Many old markets are collapsing with the proliferation of cheap plastic substitutes for children's toys and educational materials, once the mainstay of the industry and the area with greatest participation by women. The advent of the ball-point pen has decreased demand for lacquerware pens and pen nib holders, which until recently were used with pots of ink in schools and offices. Plastic chess pieces and beads for curtains frequently replace those that were formerly made by hand from wood.
At the same time, a growing export market with demanding quality standards and large orders is changing the nature of production. Mechanization, in the form of the electric lathe, is expanding and is being monopolized by men. Larger orders and electrification have led to larger production units and small to medium size factories are replacing household enterprises. This has further displaced women, for whom small scale and household production are the major benefits of traditional lac-turnery.
Export products must respond to new demands and specifications. These new products have to meet more exacting standards of quality and may require more sophisticated artwork or finishing than those which are sold in local markets.
As a result of these dramatic changes, the industry has been classified into: a. independent household units, b. small scale enterprises and c. medium scale industries.
a. A number of family members, including women and children may produce lacquerware. The artisans in household units either hire power lathes at the KHDC center or own power or hand lathes. Most of them are self-employed, marketing their goods at outlets such as retail shops or export units of the KHDC.b. Small scale enterprises are set-up in artisans' houses with a minimum of 4 to 10 lathes. Hired labourers work on a piece rate basis. These enterprises sell their products directly to exporters, work through agents or through the KHDC.
c. Medium scale industries are generally established or owned by exporters in Channapatna. These have a minimum turnover of 3 lakhs (Rs 300,000) and employ artisans on wages or piece rate basis. There are a few exporters in Bangalore who enter into contracts with artisans for the production of a desired quantity or given item and quantity. Specifications describing the desired products are given by the exporter with a strict focus on quality.
For the first two categories a fair amount of employment has been generated through the changes in production. For instance, many artists, both men and women who produce dolls and other export and utility items, also undertake assembly work. Some less skilled artisans work for wages while more highly skilled artists work on a per piece basis. More enterprising artists also act as middlemen for the KHDC or for exporters. They subcontract production to artisans, assembling and finishing pieces on their own premises. The packaging required for export also creates employment. Most of the containers are produced in the household or by small scale enterprises that employ both men and women.
Total annual lacquerware production for the Channapatna area is estimated to be around Rs 30 million (3 crores14). Seventy percent of total production is exported. Ninety nine percent of this is handled by a few private exporters who, as a result, control prices and make most of the profit. Two percent goes to the government of Karnataka State Handicrafts Development Corporation (KHDC). Presumably the remaining 28% of the production goes to the local market.
14 1 crore = Rs 10,000,000 or 100 lakhs
Training centres
Production and marketing centres
Other institutions involved in lacquerware
In the 1960s a number of institutions became involved in lacquerware production. The first director of the AIHB Centre (described below), Hariharan, is still remembered with reverence and affection by craftspeople. His involvement continued as director of the Rural Crafts Development Organization (RCDO) and his term as director is considered the golden age of institutional sponsorship of lac-turnery. Japanese consultants were brought to teach design and other skills and the Centre began to procure raw materials and market artisans' products.
A broad range of institutions are still involved in lacquerware. Government institutions have played a substantial role in strengthening the lacquerware industry as a whole. Conscious efforts have been made at various stages to involve and train women, however despite obvious policy decisions and the establishment of special institutions for their assistance, women are continually marginalized.
Several institutions have been involved in training craftspeople in lac-turnery with varying degrees of success.
Government of Karnataka - Department of Industries and Commerce (DIC).
The DIC was the progenitor of lacquerware training in Karnataka. The Artisan Training Centre, Channapatna, established in 1902, introduced lac-turnery in the state, but now plays only a peripheral role. Five craftsmen are currently undergoing training. There is no focus on training or developing female artisans.
Government of India, Ministry of Commerce, All India Handicrafts Board (AIHB) - Regional Design Centre at Bangalore.
The AIHB has played a dominant role in the industry since 1977. It operates 3 training centers at different sites in Channapatna taluka. Each centre trains 20 candidates annually. A stipend of Rs 100/month is given to each trainee to cover costs and compensate for the income lost while training. The current trainees are school dropouts between 10 and 15 years of age. Preference is given to younger applicants. Every year there are approximately 200 applications for 60 positions. Within a year of starting 50% of the trainees were males and that percentage has steadily increased. Presently there are approximately 3 females to 57 males. In 1986, 20 (10%) of the applicants were female, yet only three female trainees (5%) were selected. This is true despite the fact that the Yelakeri training centers was established specifically for women.
Government of Karnataka - Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) Department, Lacquerware Training Institute (LWTI) for Women.
Started in 1963, this center has been training groups of women in lac-turnery each year since. From 20-25 women were trained annually from 1963-1980. After 1980 the numbers rose to 30 per group until 1986-87 and 1987-88 when groups fell to 16 and 13 respectively. Women between 16-35 years of age are selected and priority is given to widows and the destitute. An monthly stipend of Rs 75 is paid to each trainee. Women's interest in the training has declined. Problems with this center will be dealt with in more detail in Section 3.9.
Government of Karnataka - Karnataka State Handicraft Development Corporation (KHDC), Bangalore.
In 1964, the KHDC started a Production Center at Channapatna where artisans could work on per piece basis. In 1980-81 this was converted to a Rural Marketing Service Center to impart financial and design assistance, supply raw materials and procure finished goods for sale in tourist handicraft showrooms. Around 1983-84, KHDC surveyed 900 artisan families living within a 10 km radius of Channapatna and identified the poorest and most deserving artisans. KHDC then collaborated with the Dutch Government to build a production center in 1985-86, with Common Facility Centre which included 30 power lathes and housing for 126 artisan families. A standing committee was established to allot the living quarters. Each craftsperson's family was provided with a house in the complex for a rent of Rs 40/month for 25 years. The production centre and its power lathes are open to all craftspeople, whether they live in the compound or not, for a fee of Rs 30/month or Rs 2/day. Assistance is also provided in arranging credit. Since 1986, families of artisans have been living and working at the KHDC center. KHDC runs a raw material depot at Channapatna to supply raw materials and also serves as a procurement agent.
In 1987, KHDC's total procurement of lacquerware for Karnataka Government Emporiums was worth Rs 642,000. This only represents 2.1% of the total estimated lacquerware production in the Channapatna area.
Although families live and work at the Center, KHDC's focus has been on men. However, in 1989, with NORAD funding a training cum production centre for female artisans was established. Three to four groups of 20 women are to be trained in this complex with a stipend of Rs 250/month. Until this course was started no women worked on the power lathes at KHDC's complex, although they are in the common facility for residents and can be rented by anyone, resident or non-resident. As elsewhere, men dominate use of the power lathes at the complex.
Channapatna Lacquerware Cooperative Society
The Society has 250 artisan members, but is comparatively inactive. Its major activity is the procurement and supply of limited quantities of hale wood. The beneficiaries of this are, however, a few rich artisans who act as private contractors. A large number of female artisans from the Makhan area (predominantly Muslim) were members, but this is no longer true.
Nationalized and scheduled banks:
Although banks have no special focus on the lacquerware industry Rs 5,000 loans for working capital are available to craftspeople on presentation of training certificates from the AIHB or LWTI and additional proof of guarantor and financial soundness. There is a programme under the Self-Employment/Small Scale Industry Scheme for the loan of Rs 25,000 to install power lathes but very few artisans appear to have obtained this funding. There are no special schemes for female artisans.
Government of Karnataka, Forest Department
The Forest Department's only helps supply hale and other timber from state forests. Concern over declining supplies and inflated prices is increasing.
Government of India, Forest Research Laboratory
The Forest Research Laboratory has undertaken research into substitute species for hale.
State and central government institutions have played an active role in the development of lac-turnery and the lacquerware industry. Their attention to women has fluctuated. With the advent of power lathes and larger production units support for women declined.
The lack of coordination between different institutions results in duplication and scattering of resources. Several institutions offer training courses, amalgamation of resources and standardization of training programmes specifically for women.
The nature of women's participation
Composition of the sample sites
Women's participation rates
Product and market differentiation
Employment and income patterns
Experience levels and case histories
Despite ambiguities, a number of interesting features concerning women's participation emerge:
- more urban than rural women are involved;
- participation is religion and caste based;
- over 90% continue to work on hand lathes;
- most women continue to be in the household sector;
- women continue to produce traditional products required for local markets;
- women's earnings are significantly lower than men's;
- the number of women in lac-turnery is declining.
In rural villages, with few exceptions, lacquerware artisans are predominantly male with only a handful (2-5) of female artisans in each village. These village women are mostly self-taught, presumably with the help of male artisans in the family. Female participation in the craft is greater, however, in urban areas. In the urban areas of Channapatna a good number of Yelakeri Adi Karnataka (SC) women and a smaller number of Muslim women are involved in lacquerware production. This contrasts with national and state-wide statistics for FBSSEs in general.
Rural women engage in seasonal agricultural work which is not available to their urban counterparts. Additionally, urban women have easy access to the institutions and training centers which have nurtured the industry. The distance, the need for daily travel and the low stipend all limit rural women's participation in urban training programmes.
Rather than estimating total figures, the research team tried to understand the nature of women's role in lacquerware production by focusing on three sample sites, all urban: Makhan, Yelakeri and the KHDC complex. An examination of the results from questionnaires and interviews at these sites sheds light on most of the features of women's participation that were mentioned above.
The three sites had very different compositions. Table 5 gives an overview of population and participation in lacquerware at each site.
The KHDC craft complex is 52% Muslim and 48% Hindu; the Makhan population is 100% Muslim; and the Yelakeri Adi-Karnataka Colony is made up only of Schedule Caste Hindus. The percentage of the total population engaged in lacquerware is highest (33%) at the Yelakeri Adi-Karnataka Colony. The KHDC complex is next with 32%. The Makhan area is lowest at 6%.
A further census of the lacquerware producing artisans in the KHDC Complex shows that 36% of the Hindu and 28% of the Muslims populations participate in lac-turnery; lacquerware production is more prevalent among Hindus. In Yelakeri and other Hindu villages only scheduled caste women participate in lac-turnery.
Table 5 - Women's participation in lacquerware at the sample sites
|
Sample site |
% of population in Lacquerware |
% of women in Lacquerware |
|
KHDC Craft Complex |
32% |
27% |
|
Yelakeri |
33% |
55% |
|
Makhan |
6% |
58% |
SOURCE: ISST 1987
Information on the exact number of men and women engaged in lac-turnery is sketchy. According to the 1981 census the total number of lacquerware artisans in Karnataka was 3,000 with 60%, or approximately 2,000 concentrated in and around Channapatna. Yet according to the Deputy Director of the AIHB this is the same number of artisans as were involved in the 1960s. Given the rapid growth of the industry it seems unlikely that total involvement has remained the same.
On the other hand, according to official statistics women's participation has declined dramatically. The AIHB compares women's participation rates: in the 1960s out of approximately 2000 lacquerware artisans in and around Channapatna, 50% were women. This has dwindled to a mere 5%, suggesting a reduction from 1,000 to 100 women. The research team focused on three sites where women's participation remains high. Though they spoke with at least 32 women who were once involved but who had since stopped, they counted 148 women who were actively engaged in lacquerware production. This indicates that there is either a higher percentage of women still engaged in lac-turnery, or that total numbers of artisans in this craft are higher than estimated. It could also be a combination of the two.
There were 148 women in the surveyed area. Fifty four percent of the artisans in Yelakeri are women. In Makhan 58% are women, but at the KHDC complex women constitute only 27% of the artisans. As these figures indicate, women's participation levels remain high. They are even greater than males in traditional, informal settings where small-scale household based lacquerware production continues. At the KHDC complex, which is supported and operated by the government to encourage the industry, and where provisions are made for the steady supply of raw materials, much more of the production work is done by men on power lathes in a common facility.
For Muslim's the percentage of women involved in the lacquerware industry is lower than that of Hindu women. Additionally, more of the Muslims, who traditionally had at least one woman in every household involved, have stopped working in the enterprise. This is primarily because alternate employment options exist for Muslim women at local Muslim-run bidi (cigarette) rolling factories.
Bidi industries owned by local Muslims, offer steady incomes, job security and fringe benefits like bonuses, which are attractive despite the health hazard posed by inhaling tobacco dust in bidi factories. Bidi rolling can earn Rs 15-20/day.
Table 6 gives a breakdown of women's participation as a percentage of the female population at each site.
Table 6 - Percentage of women employed as lacquerware artisans
|
Sites |
Percentage of Female Artisans to Total Females |
||
|
Hindu |
Muslim |
Aggregate |
|
|
KHDC |
22.3% (148 women) |
12.1% (165 women) |
16.9% |
|
Yelakeri |
47.9% (81 women) |
none |
47.95% |
|
Makhan |
none |
7% (21 women) |
7% |
The nature of women's and men's activities in the lacquerware industry differs in several ways. Women make different products than men. And these products determine the market and income levels to which women have access. In general, women are involved in production of the simplest items requiring the least skill. For example, in the sample surveyed, a total of 84 women (52%) were involved in production of small beads and tubes for curtains. Three women (2%) prepared wood for turning or participated in assembling completed items. Small dolls were produced by 18 women (12%), but only 35 artisan women (24%) produced a wide range of items. The result of this limited repertoire of products was that only 6 women (4%) produced items for the lucrative export market. Table 7 illustrates the products women produced in the study sites.
The items that are produced for export are sold directly to private exporting agents. The other items are sold to intermediaries such as the KHDC (12%), private agents (36%) and wholesale or retail shopkeepers (52%). Table 8 gives a breakdown of marketing patterns.
It is interesting to note that though women are generally proficient in traditional designs and artwork, only 5 women or about 3% of the total female lacquerware producing population work as artists.
Table 7 - Lacquerware work by women
|
Site |
Total female artisans |
Produce for export |
Produce all goods |
Complete artwork |
Beads & curtain rods |
Small dolls |
|
Makhan |
21 |
---- |
10 |
---- |
---- |
11 |
|
KHDC Complex |
47 |
2 |
14 |
5 |
19 |
4 |
|
Yelakeri |
80 |
4 |
11 |
---- |
62 |
3 |
|
Total |
148 |
6 |
35 |
5 |
81 |
18 |
SOURCE: ISSB 1987b
Table 8 - Number of female artisans using the various market outlets
|
Site |
Market outlet |
||
|
KHDC |
Private agents |
Local wholesalers/retailers |
|
|
Makhan |
1 |
5 |
15 |
|
KHDC complex |
16 |
14 |
17 |
|
Yelakeri |
--- |
35 |
45 |
|
Total |
17 |
54 |
77 |
SOURCE: ISSB 1987b
Only 16 women who reside in the KHDC quarters sell their wares to KHDC procurers. A larger number, 14 and 17 women respectively, supply private agents and local wholesale/retail shops, remaining in the low value added sector.
A certain degree of product differentiation exists between rural and urban women. Many rural women artisans still produce specialized educational materials like skipping rope handles and abacuses which have very low profit margins because they are used by schools and often distributed through the village shandy (weekly/monthly village market). In neighbouring Ramnagaram taluka several villages that are involved in lacquerware production specialize in one item, rubber stamp handles, to the exclusion of all other items. They utilize any wood they can cut by themselves from surrounding forests, rarely using any color other than black lac. Each artisan gets 10 paise per stamp holder and produces around 200-250 a day, earning from Rs 20 to 25/day. The holders are purchased and transported to Bangalore by agents living in the same village.
Table 9 shows employment patterns for women in lacquerware production.
Self-employed female artisans are described as “..those who independently secure raw materials from retail outlets, produce lacquerware at their homes and sell their wares directly to the buyers/shops/agents in and around Channapatna... with or without the help of household members (ISST 1988).” According to this definition 95% of the total female population or 141 women are self-employed. The remaining 5% (7 women) are either wage earners for a local small-scale enterprise or work at home on a piece-rate basis for private exporters. Ninety-two percent of the women artisans that were surveyed work throughout the year, while the rest (8%) work for 11 months. The women work approximately eight hours a day. A few of them extend their work hours if necessary. This contrasts with many other FBSSEs where seasonal and part time work are characteristic of women's involvement.
Table 9 - Employment patterns of female artisans
|
Site |
Self-employed |
Piece-rate/wage earners under SSE or
Exporter |
|
Makhan |
20 |
1 |
|
KHDC complex |
42 |
5 |
|
Yelakeri |
79 |
1 |
|
Total |
141 |
7 |
SOURCE: 1987b
Table 10 compares the income earned by men and women at the sample sites.
Men consistently earn a higher income than women in the KHDC complex. Women generally dominate the low income range below Rs 10/day, while men outnumber women in the middle income bracket, totally dominating the high income bracket above Rs 20. Earnings are often tied to product differentiation. In one site, single color beads made by men from one type of wood were sold to exporters for Rs 9-12 per 100, while women made beads in ten different colors from a different type of wood and sold them on the local market for only Rs 3 per 100.
Table 10 - Artisans' range of income
|
Site |
Up to Rs10/day |
Rs11 - Rs20/day |
Rs20 - above |
|||
|
Women |
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
Men |
|
|
Makhan |
7 |
4 |
10 |
5 |
4 |
5 |
|
KHDC complex |
17 |
26 |
28 |
60 |
2 |
54 |
|
Yelakeri |
67 |
38 |
13 |
27 |
- |
1 |
|
Total |
91 |
68 |
51 |
92 |
6 |
60 |
SOURCE: 1987b
The extent to which the experience levels of women working in lac-turnery are linked to ongoing traditions within the household and/or to external training was another area of investigation. Table 11 gives a breakdown of the number of women who learned and started working in lac-turnery in a traditional home-based enterprise at 10-15 years of age. These women were considered experienced.
A total of 113 (76%) of the 148 women in lacquerware production are in this bracket. A large number of the women can therefore be considered skilled, at least in traditional production techniques.
Women at each sample site have benefitted from institutional training, either through the AIHB Centers or through SC/ST Lacquerware Training Centre for Women. At the Yelakeri Colony more women (39) than men (15) had received training. At the KHDC centre trained male artisans (23) outnumbered trained women (6). Finally, at Makhan only two women and one man have been trained. Yelakeri women may have benefitted from the AIHB training centre. When women have been formally trained, participation rates are higher. However, regardless of whether or not they have received formal training, 90-95% of all women artisans work on hand lathes. Power lathe operation is still almost totally dominated by male artisans.
Table 11 - Women’s years of experience in lacquerware
|
Site |
# of women 10-15 yrs. old |
# women over 15 |
Total # women |
|
Makhan |
19 |
2 |
21 |
|
KHDC complex |
36 |
11 |
47 |
|
Yelakeri |
58 |
22 |
80 |
|
Total |
113 |
35 |
148 |
SOURCE: 1987b
Case histories of women involved in the lacquerware industry serve to illustrate the frustration most of them currently feel, shedding light on the reason why many women have given up or continue to be marginalized.
Case history 4:
|
Shivamma, a scheduled caste artisan of Yelakeri Members from around 100 households in Yelakeri AK colony are engaged in lacquerware. At least 40 women work on hand lathes and produce beads. I buy 1 mana (10 kg) of hale wood for Rs 12 and produce around 700 beads. Now I get Rs 3 per 100 beads and I earn around Rs 9. But, after my expenses for lac, wood and other supplies, my real profit is only about Rs 5. After the passing of Aashaada (July-August), I should be able to get Rs 4 per 100 beads. I got trained in the Lacquerware Training Centre for Women in 1985-86 but I have not benefitted from it and they did not teach me how to use a power lathe. Before training, I was making the same beads. My husband works on lacquerware in a SSI and gets a wage of Rs
20/day. We have two children and I am only 25 years old. My husband, when he was
very young during AIHB Director Hariharan's time, went all over India for a
demonstration of lacquerware. But now look at his plight he is still engaged in
wage work! |
|
Shaheen bi, a Muslim artisan at the KHDC centre My name is Shaheen Bi. I started working on the patri (hand lathe) when I was twelve years old. I learned the lacquerware craft from my mother. At 15 I got married - my husband used to work as a lorry cleaner. He died in an accident when I was 18 and at that time my son was two years old. My mother gave me refuge and I brought up my son with my lacquerware income. I am now 45 years old. I used to produce chess boards with coins and a variety of small dolls. The demand for such products has declined and life has become very difficult. The decline in demand was due to the production of plastic chess board pieces. In 1978 and 1979 I went through a 2-year training programme at the AIHB lacquerware training centre at Yelakeri. They gave me Rs 75/month as a stipend. I was in one of the first all-women groups trained at Yelakeri. Since I was semiskilled in lacquerware even before training, I used to help the master in training other women. I learned to work on the power lathe and to produce a range of lacquerware articles during this training programme. This has definitely made me a skilled crafts person. Neither my son nor I have any access nor opportunity to work on power lathes. Together, we earn Rs 30-40/day. We buy the raw material, either hale wood or any other suitable timber wood to produce small tubes which form a part of the lacquerware curtains. One mana (10 kg) of 6 inch sticks costs us Rs 10-12 at Channapatna town or Ramanagaram and we buy other accessories like lac and colour from the local market. I make the lac sticks at home. I am illiterate but I can work on the power lathe. I do not
think education is necessary to work on power lathes. I can also teach others
now. |
|
a highly skilled artisan from Makhan I think I must be about 70 years old. I have studied in Urdu up to the third standard. Even now I prepare lac sticks and work on the patri. My husband died long ago. I live with my son and daughter-in-law. My son is also a lacquerware artisan. We both make lacquerware at home. I earn around Rs 20/day and my son earns Rs 40-50/day. I started making lac articles when I was 13. During the AIHB
director Hariharan's time I was trained for 3 months in Bangalore and received a
stipend of Rs 150/month. I had 2 sisters and we all produced lacquerware. One of
my sisters who worked as an instructor in the industrial school is retired and
now receives a pension of Rs 700/month. I used to work as an instructor in
lacquerware in AIHB's centre in Bangalore. I received a salary of Rs 200/month.
Fourteen of us worked together, 7 women and 7 men. We used to go to different
places such as Delhi, Bombay, Indore, Madhya Pradesh, Madras, Kashmir and
Himachal Pradesh to demonstrate lacquerware production. My mother used to look
after my son. But she got old and asked me to leave the job. I had even become
an instructor, teaching the lacquerware craft to the nomadic tribe of
Hakki-bikki under a programme for imparting skills. Those were the golden days.
I was a fool. I left the job because they wanted me to go to Kashmir again. It
was so cold there, so I refused to go and left the job. |
Raw material supply
Exploitation by traders/static prices
Problems with institutional training
Lacquerware is one of the only carpentry-related FBSSEs in Karnataka that has traditionally supported substantial participation by women. In response to changes in the industry, men are taking advantage of new opportunities while women are being marginalized or totally displaced. According to authorities, some of the reasons for the changes are: lack of a steady supply of raw materials, increase in cost of raw materials, static market prices and exploitation by intermediary agents. To this list can be added the negative impacts of mechanization and problems with institutional training.
When interviewed, a number of artisans complained about problems associated with the dwindling supply and fluctuating cost of hale wood. Hale logs are classified as timber and no effort is made to separate them from other logs after harvesting in the forest. They are brought to forest department depots, which are often in remote locations and sold in large quantities. The travel distance and the large volumes make it difficult for anyone but wealthy merchants and contractors to purchase. Incredibly, the price in the open market is much cheaper at Rs 900/ton, than the Rs 1200/ton charged by the forest department. This clearly indicates that a considerable number of hale trees are being harvested outside of forest lands or are being poached to meet the demand. The contractors that purchase the large quantities cut the logs to 10 kg billets which are sold for Rs 12. Small and medium scale lacquerware industries have the means to stockpile supplies and purchase in bulk. Most women work in household-based enterprises and must purchase their wood daily. This leaves them more exposed to supply and price fluctuations.
Because of the fairly long rotation period of 20-25 years, the forest department is reluctant to expend resources and undertake significant planting efforts. Appropriate silvicultural practices to encourage natural regeneration have not been adequately researched. Instead research is underway on suitable substitute species, many of them exotic. Short rotation trees are already being used in agroforestry and community forest plantations. Research has focused on nine species: Acacia ariculiformis (Bengal jolly or Haldi Messe Mara), Alstonia scholaris (Janthalla), Artocarpus integrefolia, Elaeocarpus tuberculatos (Rudrak), Eucalyptus tereticornis (Eucalyptus), Grevillea robusta (Silver Oak), Swietenia mahagoni (mahogany), and Terminallia bellerica (thare). Of these Acacia ariculiformis has been given exhaustive trials and appears to be the most promising substitute. Experiments were conducted with the Government of India, Regional Design and Technical Development Centre, Bangalore, to assess the suitability of A. ariculiformis for the turning and lacquer coating properties that are most vital to the craft. This species has an extremely fast 10-year rotation and the forest department feels they may be able to eventually meet growing demand from the lacquerware industry with plantations. Unfortunately, artisans do not like the wood.
Lac supplies from neighbouring Madhya Pradesh are not under the same pressures. In fact, synthetic substitutes for lac may reduce global use and make it more plentiful and cheaper within India.
As products become more sophisticated it is likely that an increasing number of other species will be utilized. Extension efforts to disseminate research results and encourage production will be critical if the research is to have any benefit.
Care needs to be taken to ensure a sustainable approach to raw material production and supply as the lac-turnery industry grows.
In addition to those controlling supplies of raw materials, other traders often bypass women during the procurement process. Though many of export jewelry items such as beads of various sizes for necklaces can be produced by women, they require hand lathe operation and therefore exporters prefer to give their orders to male artisans. This may partly be due to the fact that the exporters are men and are accustomed to dealing with men for items made on power lathes. It may also be a reflection of women's continuing low profile in the industry, as they have traditionally catered to local clients and markets. The exporter's bias further hinders women's participation in the export market.
Women also complained that while raw material prices increase, the prices that are paid for their products remain static. This process will also be controlled by traders as long as there are intermediaries between the suppliers and the purchasers. This is the case in the export, as well as wholesale and retail markets. It is also a function of product substitution and the need for product diversification. As synthetic substitutes flood the market, prices for more expensive handmade products cannot be expected to rise unless they develop a new desirability. It is necessary to improve designs and diversify products which requires new skills and training.
An exclusive women's training center exists under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST) Welfare Department administered by the Block Development Office in Channapatna, yet for the past two or three years the power lathes, which are specially designed for women, have been idle. The current instructor does not have adequate knowledge and expertise in power lathe operation. The research team found many female artisans literate and skilled in power lathe operation at Yelakeri, KHDC and Kottai in Channapatna. These women only need to be identified and allowed to use their skills more extensively. Participation rates at the SC/ST LWTI Centre have dropped from 20 women trained a year to 13 in recent years. The real problem seems to stem from the absence of a definite focus on development of skilled female artisans. This is true in all of the training centers.
Some of the reasons for the decline in interest in the SC/ST LWTI Centre are:
- no training is imparted on the use of power lathes;- the stipend of Rs 75/month paid to the women trainees is inadequate as these women are already semi-skilled and even without training earn a minimum of Rs 5/day;
- the urban location of the Institute, makes it costly and impractical for the rural female population to commute from Channapatna;
- there is no follow-up in the form of development inputs or any support in terms of loans, lathes for hire, tool kits, guidance on placement opportunities, market opportunities, or training in entrepreneurial skills. At the Lacquerware Women's Training Center even the grant of Rs 200 tool kits to each trainee stopped in 1980;
- raw material supplies have been declining and government depots sales are not suitable for small scale purchasers;
- products made by trainees can only be sold through public auctions, where there is very little interest.
The AIHB training Centre at Yelakeri seems to have a better record for power lathe training but it is not maintaining its charter as a women's centre.
None of the training centers are linked to primary production centers where completed items can be sold. This has been suggested as the only feasible way to undertake training as it provides a steady market where even trainees could be paid piece rates and earn a steady income.
It is evident that the most obvious place for institutions to begin to address women's needs in the lacquerware industry is through comprehensive training programs directed towards women.
The advent of the export market in the 1970s led to major changes in the lacquerware industry. Exports soared to the current rate of 75% of total production. The market's higher quality standards, exact specifications and large orders necessitated precision, speed and standardization and created a greater demand for mechanization. The power lathe was the technological answer. However, it required acquisition of new skills and has led to larger, factory-type settings dominated by men. Training has only periodically given women the relevant skills for power lathe operation. This combination of factors has contributed to a steady decline in the number and role of female artisans, making their contributions almost invisible.
The research team has encountered very strong opinions from male artisans regarding women's physical ability to operate power lathes. A prevailing assumption was summarized by an experienced male artisan: “...women are not good at power lathe operation. Even if you give them ten years of training, they would still be unable to gain expertise like men and achieve precision and a sharp finish in turnery.” On the other hand the owner of a successful SSI in Channapatna observed: “The hand lathe is very strenuous for women and unsuitable as the posture that is required affects the chest and spinal chord. Power lathes are most suitable for women. All my three daughters work on power lathes for 5-6 hours a day.”
Until the advent of the new training programme, no women artisans used the KHDC complex's Common Facilities Centre. The male-oriented atmosphere inhibited women from seeking access to the Centre. Even if there is a power lathe in the home, the husband or other male members of the household frequently monopolize it. Women, though not barred physically, are rarely given the opportunity or the encouragement to use the power lathe. Their skills remain unexploited.
Fortunately there are some women who are exceptions to the rule.
Case history 7:
|
Lalitha, a young artisan from Channapatna Town I am Lalitha and am 17. My father encouraged me to become a skilled lacquerware craftswoman. Since childhood, I have been acquainted with our household lacquerware industry and have seen my sister working on the power lathe. After finishing my seventh standard at school, I joined the AIHB Syedwadi Training Centre in 1983. Ever since I completed my training I have worked on power lathes in my father's SSI (small-scale industry) along with my sister. I work for about 6-8 hours a day. My father started the SSI in 1961. Though ours is a household SSI, my wages are paid separately. I feel more comfortable working with power lathes than with
the patri. I produce bangles and a variety of other articles which my father
supplies to KHDC and other private exporters. I am not sure whether I will
continue with this craft after I get married. It depends on the household
practice and the encouragement given by my future in-laws. |
