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Forest workers in New Zealand

A paper submitted to the Mysore Forestry Conference of 1949 on behalf of the New Zealand Forest Service

The exotic forests
Indigenous forests under management
Other indigenous forests
Effects of improved conditions

The status of the forest worker in New Zealand has greatly improved within recent years, and conditions of employment are better now that at any time before the war. Broadly speaking, there are two main reasons for this improvement. In the first place, forest work has begun to assume an aspect of greater permanency and now offers more settled conditions; secondly, social improvements, such as better wages, fuller employment, better housing shorter hours of work, etc., have been introduced since the depression years.

In order to appreciate the impact that has been made on working and living conditions and to visualize the extent to which the future of the forest worker has been made more attractive, it is necessary to understand something of the changes that have taken place in the attitude toward forest utilization since the end of World War I. It is difficult to explain the situation in a few words, but the present forest economy of New Zealand might be described as intermediate between a phase of destructive exploitation of natural forests and a regime in which forest management extends to the bulk of the country's forest assets.

Historically, forest operations followed a rather primitive pattern from the advent of European settlement - a pattern characteristic of well-timbered countries newly opened to settlement. Timber was plentiful, and sawmilling was highly wasteful of forest material. The mills cut for the greatest and quickest return and then moved to a new area.

The shifting nature of sawmilling operations, plus the fact that the mills themselves were crude structures consisting of little more than a roof over the sawing equipment, was reflected in a rather indifferent attitude on the part of the proprietor towards the accommodation needs of his employees. The result was a very poor standard of housing. As there was no future to look to maintenance was neglected; the cottages, grouped haphazardly about the sawmill, quickly fell into a state of disrepair and were finally abandoned when the area was cut out and milling operations were transferred to another site. As the forest edge receded before the axe and saw, milling operations were forced further and further back, and forest workers labored under the added disadvantage of increasing remoteness from the centers of population and the amenities they offered. Speaking generally, this sums up the environment of the forest worker from the middle of the last century up to the beginning of the period immediately following World War I. The picture is one of destructive exploitation of the forest cover under conditions which offered neither security of employment nor settled living conditions of even a mediocre standard. The circumstances were typical of what was essentially a pioneering period, and little or no improvement was possible; so long as the policy of merely following the receding bush line prevailed.

The setting up of the State Forest Service in 1920 and the adoption of a definite forest policy were events which signalled a more positive attitude to forests and forestry that would lead eventually to far-reaching improvements in working and living conditions. The initial objective was the establishment of new forests of rapid-growing exotic species which could be managed for sustained timber production within a relatively short period. These forests could support permanent forest communities with housing and ancillary amenities comparable to modern urban standards. For indigenous forests, this ideal was more remote since their amenability to management on a sustained yield basis was still uncertain. The concept of permanent forest communities was therefore a long-term objective which could only come to full fruition when the exotic forests had taken over from the indigenous forests the task of supplying the bulk of the demand for timber and other forest products; and that would not be before 1960 at the earliest.

When World War II broke out, living conditions at sawmills operating in indigenous forests were generally unsatisfactory and showing little tendency to improve. The industry had been severely affected by the depression and economically was not in a position to improve its accommodation. The exotic forests, for the most part, were approaching a stage when utilization could commence, particularly some of the older State forests; and plans were drawn up for the development of these State forests on the basis of permanent industrial installations and permanent community villages well laid out and complete as far as possible with modern facilities approaching urban standards. The war necessarily restricted the rate of progress; but a foundation had been laid which denoted a radical departure from the old unplanned, unhygienic, and unattractive order of things so characteristic of forest utilization activities in the past and which promised better things to come when hostilities terminated.

The principal problem which arose when the war ended and man-power controls were relaxed was shortage of labor. This shortage was country-wide and affected all occupations, but particularly the forest industries. The forest labor force was being denuded of personnel by the drift of men to urban centers where living conditions were more attractive and more opportunities were available for the enjoyment of social life and recreation. It was obvious that the only answer to the competition of urban employment was to attract men to forest work by offering accommodation and living conditions that would compare more favorably with average urban standards. This was already the accepted objective; but now there was urgent need for an acceleration of those improvements already accepted as fundamental to the forestry objective. The problem was approached from the following tree-fold angle:

(1) Further improvements to accommodation and amenities in the exotic forests.

(2) Village communities for indigenous forests being logged under management.

(3) Prefabricated demountable houses for isolated and short-term sawmilling operations in indigenous forests.

The exotic forests

The greater portion of the exotic forests are owned by the State, and the Forest Service now provides for its married personnel a high standard of permanent accommodation comparable to State rental housing. Single men are accommodated either in well appointed one-man timber huts, finished and furnished to a good standard, or in permanent hostels of modern design. There are dining halls for meals, and, where possible, up-to-date sanitary and washing facilities are provided. Modern facilities for the development of community life are provided to equal as far as possible those in urban areas. The larger private forest owners who have recently commenced utilization activities have adopted the same policy and are providing modern housing and means for normal community recreational and social activities. [An example of a similar type of housing development in the United States is pictured on pp. 10-11.] Large-scale industrial developments are pending in both State and private forests, and the employees will be accommodated in permanent forest townships which will be infinitely superior to the primitive forest accommodation of former days.

Indigenous forests under management

While permanent forest communities can not yet be set up in indigenous forests, certain areas have recently been opened up which are capable of sustaining a small number of sawmills for a relatively long period of years and which are therefore suitable for the provision of a very much superior type of accommodation to that usually found in indigenous forest operations. In these cases, a community village has been established to house the personnel of all the mills in the particular area. For the main part, the standard of accommodation and amenities is equal to that found in the exotic forest communities; but these villages may not be so permanent. Although a long operating life is assured, sustained yield is not possible unless current experiments with the interplanting of suitable exotic species are successful to the point of giving continuity of cutting after the indigenous timber has been cut out. Many of the dwellings are therefore of the demountable type which can be moved when milling of indigenous timber eventually ceases. Unfortunately, there are not many areas of indigenous forest which are suitable for treatment in this way, but this development represents a vast improvement on the old order.

Other indigenous forests

As a result of the total lack of planning in the past, most milling operations are such that planned village communities on modern lines are not practicable; nevertheless, a good deal of improvement has been made since the war. A survey made about four years ago showed that on the whole the standard of accommodation was very inferior, although in some cases millers who had a more progressive outlook and a sufficiently long operating life had modernized existing accommodation and erected new dwellings and single men's accommodation of a very good standard.

The greatest single factor, however, has been the Timber Workers Housing Scheme, which was introduced by legislation in 1946 to provide new dwellings of modern design for timber workers remote from the urban areas and also to improve the general standard of existing sawmill accommodation. In brief, the Government recognized that timber production was vital, but that the very short operating life of most milling units and the unsatisfactory economic condition of the industry precluded the sawmiller from providing a good standard of housing for his employees; yet unless good housing was provided it would be impossible not only to recruit the additional personnel required and bring back men who had left but even to retain those already in the industry. Clearly some form of State assistance was needed, but permanent houses of modern design would be far too wasteful in an industry where the average operating life was under ten years, and in many cases under five. The solution was found in prefabricated demountable houses of five and six rooms transportable in units from site to site as mills cut out and moved on. The scheme was financed by a levy of sixpence per hundred board feet on sawn timber sales, payable by the consumer.. These houses, though prefabricated and transportable, have the same standard of modern conveniences as the State rental houses. (By modern conveniences is meant hot and cold running water, electricity for lighting and cooking wherever power is available in the area, built-in cupboards, bathroom and modern sanitary conveniences.) These houses have created something of a sensation in the timber industry and have already led to the return of men who had left for better conditions elsewhere. It is true that a considerable portion of the industry's housing is still unsatisfactory, but the Timber Workers Housing Scheme has established a standard and is now setting the pace.

Effects of improved conditions

Good accommodation, it has been found, is not only the quantitative answer to the forest labor problem, but it is also the answer from the standpoint of quality. The shortage of housing has been so acute for some years now that the offer of a modern dwelling will ensure a position being filled. Competition for good accommodation is so keen that the employer now finds that he has a choice of applicants and can obtain a suitable man or else can afford to wait in the certain knowledge that he soon will obtain one. Previously forest work tended to attract many who were more or less unacceptable in other occupations. Sawmillers have found that the modern prefabricated dwellings supplied to the timber industry not only enable a better type of workman to be recruited but they also enable good men to be retained; this means a greater element of stability in the forest labor force.

This improvement in the standard of accommodation is the greatest over-all social development in the history of forest work in New Zealand. The managed forest is going to be more and more important as a source of timber supplies; and the indigenous forest sawmill hitherto characterized by a limited cutting life, primitive living conditions, and lack of career opportunities will gradually disappear. It will be some time before unsatisfactory housing is entirely a thing of the past; but the pressure of competition from the urban industries is forcing the pace and will help to overcome any inertia which otherwise might threaten to slow down the movement. Forest owners generally now realize that a good standard of housing, plus the provision of amenities normally available to the average urban dweller, are equally as important as good wages in attracting and retaining a contented and efficient labor force.

Conditions have improved in other ways in recent years, especially as regards hours of work and rates of remuneration. In 1936 the 40-hour week was introduced in New Zealand and applied to most industries. The average working week in the sawmilling industry had been 48 hours, but now any time worked in excess of 40 hours is payable at overtime rates, time and one-half for the first four hours and double time thereafter. Wages have also improved considerably over the same period, and there is legal provision for paid holidays embracing two weeks annual leave and the seven statutory holidays each year. All workers are organized, for it is a legal obligation for every workman to belong to an Industrial Union of Employees. Wage rates and other matters affecting the working and living conditions of the forest worker are fixed by collective bargaining under the supervision of the Arbitration Court. In general, most forest workers at the present time are receiving more than the minimum rates; this is a reflection of the good demand for labor arising out of buoyant trade conditions. Injury sustained in the course of duty is compensable in terms of the Workers' Compensation Act, 1922; and, finally, there is a wage premium on work in isolated localities.

As far as the improvement of working and living conditions is concerned, the State has endeavored to set a standard that will attract and hold a superior type of personnel and, incidentally, to point the way to private operators. The Forest Service takes the view that good forest management requires an intelligent, skilled, and stable labor force; it has sought to improve the standard of working and living conditions so that forest work will appeal to men seeking an interesting and congenial occupation. Modern accommodation in well-appointed permanent forest villages and security of employment under conditions that compare favorably with other avenues of outdoor employment are the best guarantees of efficient and contented personnel of the right type.

So much for what has been done, and is being done, to improve the conditions of forest employment. From the viewpoint of forest economics it is necessary to record a debit entry, for the improvement in the standard of working and living conditions has been reflected in greatly increased operating costs. The effect is that the marginal cost level is very much higher than it is in countries which have not been able to develop such an advanced social standard, and much material is left in the forest in New Zealand simply because the cost of extracting it is greater than its market value. Thus social improvements tend to be costly from the point of view of forest utilization, for the marginal product represents material of a much higher quality than the marginal product in countries which follow a more primitive forest economy. Improvements in the standard of living have brought about a position where the higher quality products such as sawlogs, poles, mining timber, etc., have to carry the entire cost of the forest; much material acceptable as fuelwood in other countries must be left on the forest floor because it has a negative value.

Similar comments apply in regard to silvicultural expenditure. Unit costs are so high that the extent of silvicultural work must be limited to the essentials, and much that might be desirable from the viewpoint of good forestry must be curtailed because the cost renders it impracticable.

The architecture of the shopping center is in modern Norwegian style. The center includes a grocery store and meat market, post office, barber shop, beauty parlor, drug store, and restaurant.

These prefabricated houses were erected as an experiment.

The movie theater faces the community club.

The church is a hub for much of the group activity in the village.

The dam and fish ladder at the end of the mill pond at Gilchrist.

Students from surrounding communities attend classes at the modern grade and high school. The building includes a spacious a auditorium used for school and community gatherings.

Photos of the village of Gilchrist are reproduced by courtesy of The Bend Bulletin, Bend, Oregon, from the July 9, 1949, issue.

THE GILCHRIST MODEL COMMUNITY

The village of Gilchrist in the State of Oregon is home for the employees of a private timber company and their families. With a population of about 500, the village comes close to being a "model" community, with adequate recreation facilities, a shopping center and attractive homes. Construction of the village was begun in 1938, and harvesting of the company's vast timber stands was started in October 1939.

The village lies on both sides of a main highway, with the sawmill and offices on one side and the shopping district, church, service station, school, movie theater, fire hall, and homes on the other. There are about 120 houses, including 13 prefabricated models erected in 1948.


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